Mr. Halperin said Mr. Kennan understood the need to talk
truth to power no matter how unpopular, and made clear
his belief that containment was primarily a political and
diplomatic policy rather than a military one. "His
career since is clear proof that no matter how important
the role of the policy planning director, a private
citizen can have an even greater impact with the strength
of his ideas."
George F. Kennan Dies at
101; Leading Strategist of Cold War
By TIM WEINER and BARBARA
CROSSETTE
Published: March 18, 2005
www.nytimes.com
George F. Kennan, the American diplomat who did more than
any other envoy of his generation to shape United States
policy during the cold war, died on Thursday night in
Princeton, N.J. He was 101.
Mr. Kennan was the man to whom the White House and the
Pentagon turned when they sought to understand the Soviet
Union after World War II. He conceived the cold-war
policy of containment, the idea that the United States
should stop the global spread of Communism by diplomacy,
politics, and covert action - by any means short of war.
G.F.KENNAN,Americas
most distinguished diplomatic historian delivered
the following address on the occasion of
receiving the award of the Albert Einstein Peace
Prize at Princeton University.
Adequate words are lacking to express the full
seriousness of our present situation. It is not
just that our government and the Soviet
government are for the moment on a collision
course politically; it is the fact that the
ultimate sanction behind the policies of both
these governments is a type and volume of
weaponry that could not possibly be used without
utter disaster for everyone concerned.
For over thirty years wise and far-seeing people
have been warning us about the futility of any
war fought with these weapons and about the
dangers involved in their very cultivation. Some
of the first of these voices were those of great
scientists, including outstandingly Albert
Einstein himself. But there has been no lack of
others. Every president of this country, from
Dwight Eisenhower to Jimmy Carter, has tried to
remind us that there could be no such thing as
victory in a war fought with such weapons. So
have a great many other eminent persons.
How have we got ourselves into this dangerous
mess? |
As the State Department's first
policy planning chief in the late 1940's,
serving Secretary of State George C. Marshall, Mr. Kennan
was an intellectual architect of the Marshall Plan, which
sent billions of dollars of American aid to nations
devastated by World War II. At the same time, he
conceived a secret "political warfare" unit
that aimed to roll back Communism, not merely contain it.
His brainchild became the covert-operations directorate
of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Though Mr. Kennan left the foreign service more than half
a century ago, he continued to be a leading thinker in
international affairs until his death. Since the 1950's
he had been associated with the Institute for Advanced
Study in Princeton, where he was most recently a
professor emeritus.
By the end of his long, productive life, Mr. Kennan had
become a phenomenon in international affairs, with
seminars held and books written to debate and analyze his
extraordinary influence on American policy during the
cold war. He was the author of 17 books, two of them
Pulitzer Prize-winners, and countless articles in leading
journals.
G.F.KENNAN: Whoever does not understand that
when it comes to nuclear weapons the whole
concept of relative advantage is
illusorywhoever does not understand that
when you are talking about preposterous
quantities of overkill the relative sizes of
arsenals have no serious meaningwhoever
does not understand that the danger lies not in
the possibility that someone else might have more
missiles and warheads than you do, but in the
very existence of these unconscionable quantities
of highly poisonous explosives, and their
existence, above all, in hands as weak and shaky
and undependable as those of ourselves or our
adversaries or any other mere human beings;
whoever does not understand these things is never
going to guide us out of this increasingly dark
and menacing forest into which we have all
wandered.
|
His writing, from classified cables to memoirs, was the
force that made him "the nearest thing to a legend
that this country's diplomatic service has ever
produced," in the words of the historian Ronald
Steel.
"He'll be remembered as a diplomatist and a grand
strategist," said John Lewis Gaddis, a leading
historian of the cold war, who is preparing a biography
of Mr. Kennan. "But he saw himself as a literary
figure. He would have loved to have been a poet, a
novelist."
Morton H. Halperin, who was chief of policy planning
during the Clinton
administration, said Mr. Kennan "set a standard that
all his successors have sought to follow."
Mr. Halperin said Mr. Kennan understood the need to talk
truth to power no matter how unpopular, and made clear
his belief that containment was primarily a political and
diplomatic policy rather than a military one. "His
career since is clear proof that no matter how important
the role of the policy planning director, a private
citizen can have an even greater impact with the strength
of his ideas."
G.F.KENNAN:
In the final week of his life, Albert Einstein
signed the last of the collective appeals against
the development of nuclear weapons that he was
ever to sign. He was dead before it could see
publication. It was an appeal drafted, I gather,
by Bertrand Russell. I had my differences with
Russell at the time, as I do now in retrospect.
But I would like to quote one sentence from the
final paragraph of that statement, not just
because it was the last one Einstein ever signed,
but because it sums up, I think, all that I have
been trying to say on the subject. It reads as
follows:
We
appeal, as human beings to human beings:
Remember your humanity, and forget the rest.
What is
necessary is only the overcoming of the military
fixations that now command in so high degree the
reactions on both sides, and the mustering of
great courage by the statesmen in facing up to
the task of relating military affairs to the
other needs of the modern society. What is needed
is that statesmen on both sides of the line
should take their military establishments in hand
and insist that these establishments should
become the servants, not the masters and
determinants, of political action. Both sides
must learn to accept the fact that there is no
security to be found in the quest for military
superioritythat only in the reduction, not
the multiplication, of the existing monstrous
arsenals can the true security of any nation be
found.
|
The force of Mr. Kennan's ideas brought him to power in
Washington in the brief months after World War II ended
and before the cold war began. In February 1946, as the
second-ranking diplomat in the American Embassy in
Moscow, he dispatched his famous "Long
Telegram" to Washington, perhaps the best-known
cable in American diplomatic history. It explained to
policy makers baffled by Stalin that while Soviet power
was "impervious to the logic of reason," it was
"highly sensitive to the logic of force."
G.F.KENNAN: I don't think FDR was capable of
conceiving of a man of such profound iniquity,
coupled with enormous strategic cleverness, as
Stalin. He had never met such a creature. And
Stalin was an excellent actor, and when he did
meet with leading people at these various
conferences, he was magnificent: quiet, affable,
reasonable. He sent them all away thinking,
"This really is a great leader." And
yes, but behind that there lay something entirely
different. Charles Bohlen, my colleague who
succeeded me as ambassador there, was present at
the Yalta and the Potsdam conferences. He told me
that he saw only on one or two occasions when the
assistants to Stalin had said or done something
of which he didn't approve, when he turned on
them and then the yellow eyes lit up -- you
suddenly realized what sort of an animal you had
by the tail there.
|
Widely circulated in Washington, the Long Telegram made
Mr. Kennan famous. It evolved into an even better-known
work, "The Sources of Soviet Conduct," which
Mr. Kennan published under the anonymous byline
"X" in the July 1947 issue of Foreign Affairs,
the journal of the Council on Foreign Relations.
"Soviet pressure against the free institutions of
the Western world is something that can be contained by
the adroit and vigorous application of
counterforce," he wrote. That force, Kennan
believed, should take the form of diplomacy and covert
action, not war.
G.F.KENNAN: I was sometimes surprised and
shocked at the enthusiasm with which this
telegram was received and the things that I had
to say generally -- not just in the telegram --
were received in Washington. And I realize there
was a real danger there. I'm sorry that in the
telegram I did not more emphasize that this did
not mean that we would have to have a war with
Russia, but we would have to find a way of
dealing with them which was quite different from
that which had been going on. |
Mr. Kennan's best-known legacy was this postwar policy of
containment, "a strategy that held up awfully
well," said Mr. Gaddis.
But Mr. Kennan was deeply dismayed when the policy was
associated with the immense build-up in conventional arms
and nuclear weapons that characterized the cold war from
the 1950's onward. His views were always more complex
than the interpretation others gave them, as he argued
repeatedly in his writings. He came to deplore the
growing belligerence toward Moscow that gripped
Washington by the early 1950's, setting the stage for
anti-Communist witch hunts that severely dented the
American foreign service.
At the height of the Korean War, he temporarily left the
State Department for the Institute for Advanced Study. He
returned to serve as ambassador to Moscow, arriving there
in March 1952.
But it was "a disastrous assignment," Mr.
Gaddis said. Mr. Kennan was placed under heavy
surveillance by Soviet intelligence, which cut him off
from contact with Soviet citizens. Frustrated, Mr. Kennan
publicly compared living in Stalin's Moscow to his
experience as an internee in Nazi Germany. The Soviets
declared him persona non grata.
ON STALIN : You
must remember one thing, that Stalin was
distrustful, in a pathological way, of anyone who
professed friendship or fidelity to him. Those
abnormal reactions did not affect the foreign
statesmen who came to see him. They had never
said that they were partisans of his, and then he
couldn't punish them anyway. So he treated them
in quite a different way than he did his own
people, and some of them fell for this and they
were really influenced by it; and I think a
number of people came out saying, "Well,
this is quite a reasonable man."
On how the Cold War affected Stalin's
domestic agenda:
Stalin felt that in order to get public
support for the things he was doing -- which were
very harsh policies -- he had to convince a great
many of the people, the common people and the
party members, that Russia was confronted with a
conspiracy on the part of the major capitalist
powers: especially England, but Germany too. That
they were confronted with efforts by these people
to undermine the Soviet government by espionage,
by trying to paralyze Russian industry through
sabotage, things of that sort. There wasn't any
truth in this, but he didn't care: he saw the
safety of his own regime being endangered if he
could not make people believe that Russia was a
threatened country.
And so he did conduct these various trials:
the Shakhty trial, the trial of the German
engineers, the one in which the British appeared
as the danger spot. And in doing this, he was
deliberately sacrificing, to some extent, the
possibility of good relations with these
countries, because they were furious about this.
This was not compatible with the idea of
agreeable diplomatic relations.
On the 1937 Soviet purge trials:
I attended only one of the three trials. I
realized after attending this one and looking
over the record which they put out of the three
trials, that in these three trials Stalin tried
... to get rid of the people within his own
movement who he felt were secretly opposing him.
I had enough experience in Russia to know what
must have been happening to these men [at the
purge trials] who were placed on the dock. I
could see them there, and their pale faces, their
twitching lips, their evasive eyes. These were
the faces of men who had been, if not tortured,
then terrified in many ways, and often by threats
to take it out on their families if they didn't
confess. But they had been through hell, and they
knew that these were likely to be their last
hours. They were indeed: The same men that we saw
standing up there, by the time the darkness fell
they were no longer in this world.
It was a terrible spectacle. To any of us who
knew Russia, we knew that this was a whole
contrived event. This was not the trial. The
trial had gone on behind the scenes, in party
circles and in police circles long before these
people appeared on the docket. It is regrettable
that the other foreign advisers there -- foreign
visitors who were invited to that trial -- that
not all of them even understood this.
On the Soviet slide into Stalinist terror:
It wasn't the [Kirov] murder alone; the murder
was a response to something that happened, I
believe, in the party gathering that took place
in the late summer, I believe, of 1934, in which
Stalin was made to realize that there was a real
chance of his being voted out of office by the
Central Committee. And he, being the brilliant
tactician that he was, met this head on, when he
realized what was going on and said in effect to
them: "Well, you know of course there are
people who think it's time that I left. And if
that's the view of the body here, why I'd be
happy to consider that." Well, he threw
terror into all these people because every one of
them realized that if he alone got up and said,
"I think we should take Stalin at his word
and let him go," and the others didn't
support him, it would mean his head. So Stalin
rode out this, but he didn't get over the shock
of it.
|
From One Dulles to the Other
Mr. Kennan was then pushed out of the Foreign Service in
1953 by the new
Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, who took office
under the newly elected President Eisenhower. Allen
Dulles, the new director of central intelligence, then
offered a post to the man his brother had rejected -
knowing, as few others did, of Mr. Kennan's crucial role
in the formation of the C.I.A. clandestine service.
Mr. Kennan had argued for "the inauguration of
political warfare" against the Soviet Union in a May
1948 memorandum that was classified top secret for almost
50 years. "The time is now fully ripe for the
creation of a covert political warfare operations
directorate within the government," he wrote. This
seed quickly grew into the covert arm of the Central
Intelligence Agency. It began as the Office of Policy
Coordination, planning and conducting the agency's
biggest and most ambitious schemes, and within four years
grew into the agency's operations directorate, with
thousands of clandestine officers overseas.
A generation later, testifying before a 1975 Senate
select committee, he called the political-warfare
initiative "the greatest mistake I ever made."
Mr. Kennan also played a formative
role in the foundation of Radio Free Europe. Seeking ways
to use the skills of émigrés from the Soviet Union's
cold-war satellites, he asked a retired ambassador,
Joseph C. Grew, to form an anticommunist group called the
National Committee for a Free Europe. Backed by the
C.I.A., the committee set up Radio Free Europe, which
broadcast news and propaganda throughout Eastern Europe.
Two prominent dissidents of their times, Lech Walesa in
Poland and Vaclav Havel in Czechoslovakia, praised R.F.E.
as highly influential.
Mr. Kennan supported the war in Korea, albeit with some
uncertainty, but opposed United States involvement
anywhere in Indochina long before American troops were
sent to Vietnam. He did not include the region in his
mental list of areas crucial to American security.
In February 1997, Mr. Kennan wrote on The New York
Times's Op-Ed page that the Clinton administration's
decision to back an enlargement of NATO, the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, to bring it to the borders
of Russia was a terrible mistake. He wrote that
"expanding NATO would be the most fateful error of
American policy in the entire post-cold war era."
"Such a decision may be expected to inflame the
nationalistic, anti-Western and militaristic tendencies
in Russian opinion; to have an adverse effect on the
development of Russian democracy; to restore the
atmosphere of the cold war to East-West relations, and to
impel Russian foreign policy in directions decidedly not
to our liking," he wrote. His views, shared by a
broad range of policy experts, did not prevail.
Mr. Kennan was the last of a generation of diplomatic
aristocrats in an old world model - products of the
"right" schools, universities and clubs, who
took on the enormous challenges of building a new world
order and trying to define America's place within it
after the defeat of the Nazis and a militaristic Japanese
empire.
"This whole
tendency to see ourselves as the center of
political enlightenment and as teachers to a
great part of the rest of the world strikes me as
unthought-through, vainglorious and
undesirable," he said in an interview with
the New York Review of Books in 1999. "I would like to see our
government gradually withdraw from its public
advocacy of democracy and human rights. I submit
that governments should deal with other
governments as such, and should avoid unnecessary
involvement, particularly personal involvement,
with their leaders."
(He was not part of the elite East Coast
establishment)
His concern was that
containment had been turned on its head, that an
undue emphasis on military pressure rather than
diplomacy was increasing the danger of war with
the Soviet Union rather than reducing it.
He predicted that
schisms would appear in the communist camp that
could be exploited by the United States. Indeed,
Yugoslavia declared its independence of Moscow in
1948. Mr. Kennan wrote that a similar rift would
develop between the Soviet Union and China. It
occurred in the 1950s.
At the same time, he
warned against such involvements as the one the
United States undertook in Vietnam: "To
oppose efforts of indigenous communist elements
within foreign countries must generally be
considered a risky and profitless undertaking,
apt to do more harm than good."
In the early days of the
Korean War, when the invasion of South Korea had
been repulsed, he urged that United Nations
forces be kept out of North Korea and that
negotiations begin. His advice was ignored.Washington Post
obit.March2005
|
With history as a guide, these
worldly-wise policy makers ultimately decided against
punitive policies toward the losers, instead helping the
defeated countries rebuild as democracies. But the
diplomatic establishment had no precedent to fall back on
as they wrestled with Soviet Communism and a Maoist
revolution in China.
Though Mr. Kennan is often grouped among the "Wise
Men" who shaped Washington after World War II, he
did not share their heritage. "He was not part of
the elite East Coast establishment," Mr. Gaddis
said. "He was never wealthy. He worked his way
through college, and he lost all his money in the
Depression. He always felt he was an outsider, never an
insider."
Mr. Kennan was often a gloomy, sensitive and intensely
serious man. Perennially unable to tailor his crisp
intellectual views to political necessity in Washington,
and lacking the political and bureaucratic skills needed
to survive there, Mr. Kennan appeared to those who knew
him to be happy to find a long-term home in Princeton,
where Albert Einstein and other leading thinkers also
honed their ideas.
Ever the Policy Maker
From that perch in 1993, Mr. Kennan recommended,
characteristically, that the United States needed an
unelected, apolitical "council of state" drawn
from the country's best brains to advise all branches of
government in long-term policies. He proposed the council
in a very personal book, "Around the Cragged
Hill" (Norton 1993), which revealed his core social
conservatism as he reviewed the evolution of America.
He fretted that the population of the United States was
growing too fast and that, environmentally, the country
was "exhausting and depleting the very sources of
its own abundance." He blamed cars and the suburban
sprawl they created for the death of not only a
magnificent railway network but also the "great
urban centers of the 19th century, with all the glories
of economic and cultural life that flowed from their very
unity and compactness."
But Mr. Kennan was most preoccupied with society's
effects on making foreign policy, an increasingly
shrunken intellectual field in an age when American
diplomacy itself has been driven to penury by a dominant
new breed of post-cold-war America-Firsters. He saw
American policy by the end of the 20th century as
unfocused, adrift and subject to too many (sometimes
conflicting) domestic political pressures, with a host of
players who have diminished the role of the secretary of
state at a moment in history when the United States stood
alone in its world power.
"It is not too much to say that the American people
have it in their power,
given the requisite will and imagination, to set for the
rest of the world a
unique example of the way a modern, advanced society
could be shaped in order to meet successfully the
emerging tests of the modern and future age," he
wrote in "Around the Cragged Hill."
Among his other well-known works were "American
Diplomacy 1900-1950"; "Russia Leaves the
War," winner of the Pulitzer prize for history in
1957 and the Bancroft and Francis Parkman prizes and a
National Book Award; and two volumes of memoirs, in 1967
and 1972, the first of which won another National Book
Award and another Pulitzer. Mr. Kennan was awarded the
Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian honor, by
President George H.W. Bush in 1989.
The Modest Beginnings
George Frost Kennan was born in Milwaukee on Feb. 16,
1904, the son of Kossuth Kent Kennan, a lawyer who was a
descendant of Scotch-Irish settlers of 18th-century
America and who was named for the Hungarian patriot. His
mother, the former Florence James, died two months after
his birth.
When he was 8, he was sent to Germany in the care of his
stepmother - his father had remarried - to learn German
in Kassel, because of the purity of the language there.
It was the first of numerous languages he would
eventually master: Russian, French, Polish, Czech,
Portuguese and Norwegian.
Educated at St. John's Northwestern Military Academy in
Delafield, Wis., and at Princeton University, where he
received his bachelor's degree in 1925, he decided to try
for the Foreign Service rather than return to Milwaukee.
"It was the first and last sensible decision I was
ever deliberately to make about my occupation," he
said.
Mr. Kennan served as a vice consul in Geneva and Hamburg
in 1927 and was on the verge of resigning to go back to
school when he learned that he could be trained as a
linguist and get three years of graduate study without
leaving the service. He went to Berlin University and
chose to study Russian, partly in preparation for the
opening of United States-Soviet relations, which occurred
in 1933, and partly because another George Kennan, his
grandfather's cousin, had devoted himself to studying
Russia.
While in Berlin, Mr. Kennan met Annelise Sorensen, a
Norwegian, and they were married in 1931. They had four
children. He is survived by his wife and their children -
Grace Kennan Warnecke of New York, Joan Kennan of
Washington, D.C., Wendy Kennan of Cornwall, England, and
Christopher J. Kennan of Pine Plains, N.Y. - and by eight
grandchildren and two great-grandchildren.
In "Sketches,"
he offered his idea of the typical Californian
(and by implication the typical American):
"Childlike in many respects: fun-loving,
quick to laughter and enthusiasm, unanalytical,
unintellectual, outwardly expansive, preoccupied
with physical beauty and prowess, given to sudden
and unthinking seizures of aggressiveness, driven
constantly to protect his status in the group by
an eager conformism -- yet not unhappy." In "Around The Cragged
Hill," he wrote that the United States
is devoid of "intelligent and discriminating
administration," and should be broken up
into a dozen republics. The country should be
guided by an advisory council made up of
distinguished citizens. Washington Post obit
March 2005
|
In the five and a half years between Mr. Kennan's
decision to become a
specialist on Soviet affairs and his first assignment to
Moscow in 1933, he
served in a number of posts on the periphery of the
Soviet Union. He was third secretary in the embassy in
Riga, Latvia, when he was assigned to accompany William
C. Bullitt, the first United States ambassador to the
Soviet Union.
During his career, he was assigned to Moscow three more
times - as second secretary in 1935 and 1936, as
minister-counselor from 1944 to 1946, first under W.
Averell Harriman, then under Gen. Walter Bedell Smith,
and finally for a brief term as ambassador in 1952.
When he was appointed to the embassy in Moscow in 1944 as
minister-counselor, he described his return after a
six-year absence as an unsettling experience because of
the hostility and suspicion he found in the official
circles of a wartime ally.
"Never," he wrote, "except possibly during
my later experience as ambassador to Moscow, did the
insistence of the Soviet authorities on the isolation of
the diplomatic corps weigh more heavily on me. We were
sincerely moved by the sufferings of the Russian people
as well as by the heroism and patience they were showing.
We wished them nothing but well. It was doubly hard in
these circumstances to find ourselves treated as though
we were the bearers of some species of the plague."
Mr. Kennan, convinced that it
would be folly to hope for extensive Soviet
cooperation in the postwar world, was frustrated by the
development in
Washington of what he saw as an increasingly naïve
policy based on notions of
Soviet friendship. He wrote analytical essays, but these
won little or no
attention in the State Department.
It was not until the United States Treasury, stung by
Moscow's unwillingness to support the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund, asked the State Department
for an explanation of its behavior that Mr. Kennan was
able to make his points in the "Long Telegram,"
which arrived in Washington on Feb. 22, 1946. It was so
well-received that "my official loneliness came to
an end," he wrote later. "My reputation was
made. My voice now carried."
Regrettably, in Mr. Kennan's view, the warnings that had
fallen on deaf ears for so long found receptive ones
partly for the wrong reasons, and he felt that the idea
of a Soviet danger became as exaggerated as the belief in
Soviet friendship had been.
G.F.KENNAN: We had accustomed ourselves,
through our wartime experience, to having a great
enemy before us who had to be considered capable
and desirous of doing everything that was evil
and bad for us. And as our attention shifted then
from Hitler's Germany to what was now the other
greatest military power in Europe, we began to
attach these sort of extremist views to Russia,
too. We like to have our enemies in the
singular, our friends, if you will, multiple. But
the enemy must always be a center, he must be
totally evil, he must wish all the terrible
things that could happen to us -- whether [that]
made sense from his standpoint or not. ...
Carrying wartime extremisms into a period which
was nominally one of peace ... is one of the
great fundamental causes of the Cold
War.......................You must remember my
view of warfare: that everybody is a defeated
power with modern warfare, with modern weapons. I
don't know any more to say about that. My
thoughts about containment were of course
distorted by the people who understood it and
pursued it exclusively as a military concept; and
I think that that, as much as any other cause,
led to [the] 40 years of unnecessary, fearfully
expensive and disoriented process of the Cold
War.
|
He held that the Soviet Union should be challenged only
when it encroached on certain areas of specific American
interest, but he did not accept the view that this could
be accomplished only by military alliances or by turning
Europe into an armed camp. He felt that Communism needed
to be confronted politically when it appeared outside the
Soviet sphere.
Publicly, he was sharply critical of émigré propaganda
calling for the overthrow of the Soviet system, believing
that there was no guarantee that anything more democratic
would replace it. In the 1960's and 70's, he concluded
that the growing diversity in the Communist world was one
of the most significant political developments of the
century. But "he missed the ideological appeal of
democratic culture in the rest of the world," Mr.
Gaddis said, as the slow rot of Soviet Communism
undermined the cold war's architectures.
The 'X' Article on Containment
Mr. Kennan had returned to Washington in 1946 as the
first deputy for foreign affairs at the new National War
College, where he prepared a paper on the nature of
Soviet power for James V. Forrestal, then secretary of
the Navy. In July 1947, that paper, drawn largely from
his Moscow essays, became the "X" article. The
article, advocating the containment of Soviet power, was
not signed because Mr. Kennan had accepted a new State
Department assignment. But the author's identity soon
became known.
Mr. Kennan was attacked by the influential columnist
Walter Lippmann, who interpreted containment - as did
many others - in a military sense.
In his memoirs, Mr. Kennan said that some of the language
he had used in advocating a long-term, patient but firm
and vigilant containment of Russian expansive tendencies
"was at best ambiguous and lent itself to
misinterpretation." He had failed to make it clear,
he said, that what he was talking about was not the
containment by military means or military threat, but the
political containment of a political threat.
As chairman of the planning staff at a time when planning
still played a large role in policy-making, Mr. Kennan
helped shift the United States to political and
diplomatic containment.
He contributed an overall rationale to a series of
actions like Greek-Turkish aid, under what became known
as the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan and the
creation of the Western military alliance.
Taking an active interest in the
occupation of Japan and Germany, he incurred considerable
criticism by opposing the Nuremberg war-crimes trials,
arguing that the United States should not sit in judgment
with the Soviet Union, where millions had been killed by
their own government.
He also argued against basing American troops in Japan
under long-range agreements, feeling this would
antagonize the Soviet Union, which might feel its eastern
flank threatened.
In 1950, having left the planning staff to become a
counselor to Secretary of State Dean Acheson, Mr. Kennan
was at odds with the State Department over the American
military role in Korea and other issues. He asked for a
leave of absence and moved to Princeton at the invitation
of his friend J. Robert Oppenheimer, who headed the
American development of the atomic bomb at Los Alamos, to
join the Institute for Advanced Studies. He and his
family divided their time between a home in Princeton and
a farm in New Berlin, Pa. Later they added a family home
in Norway.
Mr. Kennan was the
first analyst to say that nuclear weapons could
serve as a deterrent but could never be used in
war. He was so outspoken in his opposition to
developing a hydrogen bomb that Secretary of
State Dean Acheson said, "If that is your
view, you ought to resign from the Foreign
Service and go out and preach your Quaker gospel,
but don't do it within the department." In 1953, when he returned to the
State Department from Princeton, he asked
Secretary of State John Foster Dulles what his
assignment would be. Dulles replied that he had
nothing to offer. A brilliant career thus came to
an end. Washington Post obit.March2005
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After General of the Army Douglas MacArthur was dismissed
by President Truman in 1951, Mr. Kennan was asked by the
State Department to sound out Yakov A. Malik, the Soviet
delegate to the United Nations, about a possible
settlement of the Korean War. Secret meetings took place
between the two men in June 1951- Russian was spoken -
and formal talks leading to a cease-fire followed, a
sequence that, in Mr. Kennan's view, underlined the value
of secret diplomacy conducted by professionals.
INTERVIEW WITH DAVID GERGEN:Of course, you
came into our consciousness for many Americans in
1947 when you were the author of so-called
containment policy with regard to the Soviet
Union, and yet you write in your book as a
consistent theme that that, that that policy
proposal that you made was misunderstood in our
own government. GEORGE KENNAN, Author, At A
Century's Ending: Well, it certainly was, and
it's my own fault that it was. It all came down
to one sentence in the "X" Article
where I said that wherever these people, meaning
the Soviet leadership, confronted us with
dangerous hostility anywhere in the world, we
should do everything possible to contain it and
not let them expand any further. I should have
explained that I didn't suspect them of any
desire to launch an attack on us. This was right
after the war, and it was absurd to suppose that
they were going to turn around and attack the
United States. I didn't think I needed to explain
that, but I obviously should have done it.
DAVID GERGEN: Well, you intended then to have
political containment-- --of the Soviet Union,
not military containment.
GEORGE KENNAN: Exactly. And I was moved to
this largely by what was happening in, in Western
Europe, but also what I have been able to
observe, serving in Moscow until 1936, through
the final two years of the war--
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Mr. Kennan's entire career had
seemed to be preparation for his 1952 appointment as
ambassador to Moscow, but his tour ended after five
months when he was declared persona non grata - on
Stalin's whim, he thought - for a chance remark to a
reporter in West Berlin who had asked him what life was
like in the Soviet Union. He drew a comparison to his
imprisonment earlier by the Nazis, adding, "Except
that in Moscow we are at liberty to go out and walk the
streets under guard." Left in limbo by the State
Department on his return to Washington, and with policy
disagreements growing between him and Secretary of State
Dulles, who viewed containment as too passive, Mr. Kennan
retired from the Foreign Service in 1953. This difficult
period was made even more painful by McCarthyism. Many of
Mr. Kennan's old colleagues and friends - among them
Professor Oppenheimer, John Paton Davies, John Stewart
Service and Charles W. Thayer - came under attack. He
testified repeatedly in their defense and wrote and spoke
against what he termed the malodorous tide of the times.
During a pleasant academic year
in 1957-58 as Eastman professor at Oxford, he was invited
to deliver the BBC's annual Reith Lectures, radio talks
to which all intellectual Britain is attuned.
A Surprising Offer to the Soviets
He attracted great attention by
proposing that the time was right to begin
negotiating with the Soviet Union for mutual troop
withdrawals from Germany. It was an idea acceptable to
only a small body of left-wing opinion, as was his
further suggestion that the demilitarization be achieved
through the guarantee of a neutral, unified Germany. His
views came under immediate fire all over Western Europe
and in North America.
Called back into government service in 1961 by President
John F. Kennedy, Mr. Kennan was named ambassador to
Yugoslavia and became embroiled in arguments over the
proper role of Congress in foreign affairs. He sought
unsuccessfully to dissuade Mr. Kennedy from proclaiming
Captive Nations Week in 1961 - as required by a
Congressional resolution of 1959 - on the ground that the
United States had no reason to make the resolution, which
in effect called for the overthrow of all the governments
of Eastern Europe, a part of public policy. The next year
Congress voted to bar aid and trade concessions to the
Yugoslavs, so Mr. Kennan felt he could no longer serve
usefully in Belgrade.
In 1966 Mr. Kennan, who had returned to Princeton in
1963, was called to testify before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee on the Vietnam War, an American
involvement he felt should not have been begun and should
not be prolonged. In 1967 he took part in a Senate review
of American foreign policy.
For Mr. Kennan the Vietnam years were what he later
characterized as instructive. His views on what he saw as
almost entirely negative Congressional interference in
foreign affairs altered as Congress moved to curtail the
American role in Southeast Asia, an area where he
believed the American interest was not at stake. In an
interview at the time of his 72nd birthday, he said that
he had been "instructed" by Vietnam, and that
he now agreed that Congress should help in determining
foreign policy. He added that given that reality, the
United States would have to reduce its scope and limit
its methods because Congressional control of foreign
affairs deprives the Government of day-to-day direction
of events "and means that as a nation we will have
to pull back a bit - not become isolationist, but just
rule out fancy diplomacy."
Opposed though he was to United States involvement in
Southeast Asia, he was critical of the student left in
the 60's. In a speech at Swarthmore College in December
1967, he assailed the students' methods of protest and
their failure to present a coherent program of reform.
G.F.KENNAN: One sometimes feels a guest of
one's time and not a member of its household. |
Later in life, Mr. Kennan turned his attention to support
of Russian and Soviet
studies in the United States, feeling that scholarship
was one of America's most
productive links with Moscow. "They are impressed by
our work," he remarked in
an interview. "It keeps Russian intellectuals from
thinking we are all a nation
of flagpole-sitters."
G.F.LKENNAN: Not only the studying and
writing of history but also the honoring of it
both represent affirmations of a certain defiant
faith - a desperate, unreasoning faith, if you
will - but faith nevertheless in the endurance of
this threatened world - faith in the total
essentiality of historical
continuity................................The
very concept of history implies the scholar and
the reader. Without a generation of civilized
people to study history, to preserve its records,
to absorb its lessons and relate them to its own
problems, history, too, would lose its meaning.
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In 1974 and 1975, while in Washington as a Woodrow Wilson
scholar, he helped to
establish the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian
Studies in the Smithsonian
complex. Recalling the ancestor who led him to study
Russian, he said, "When my
colleagues gave it a name, they had in mind both George
Kennans."
"War has a
momentum of its own, and it carries you away from
all thoughtful intentions when you get into it.
Today, if we went into Iraq, like the president
would like us to do, you know where you begin.
You never know where you are going to end,"
warned Kennan.
From U.S. Department of State, International
Information Programs, September 27, 2002
In
the interview, this 98-year-old diplomat and
historian praised the diplomacy of Secretary of
State Colin Powell, whom he called a man of
strong loyalties in a difficult position who has
been much more powerful in his statements than
the Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld. |
.G.F.KENNAN....one of the
things that bothers me about the computer culture
of the present age is that one of the things of
which it seems to me we have the least need is
further information. What we really need is
intelligent guidance in what to do with the
information we've got.....we look for general
policies, very sweeping policies-- --in the
world. And that isn't the way international
affairs work. We ought to look at every problem
on its own merits. .....................I see
groping on the part of our people today. They
say, well, the Cold War is over, but what's going
to become the worldwide basis of American foreign
policy now?.... And they don't realize you can't
confront it that way. This is a big world. It's a
developing world. It's not a static world. It's
full of different forces contending with each
other. And we have to look at this every day and
say what is in the first place in the interests
of this country, but secondly, what is in the
interest also of world peace and stability?... I
would say that the--you do have a possibility of
a global national interest that is in the
environmental theater, and we should do all we
can to try to convince ourselves and the rest of
the world that we've got to stop abusing the
environment of this whole planet. It's not just
one person's, one country's problem. It's a
universal problem today. That I feel very
strongly about. Also, I think that we should
recognize ourselves and should try to persuade
others that war among great industrial developed
countries in this age has lost its rationale.
Nobody can win by it. The destructiveness of
weapons is such that there are only losers out of
any attempt to settle greatly the national
problem by force--
I think the effort to extend NATO to the borders
of Russia is really a mistaken policy, a very
dangerous policy and unnecessary. (FROM INTERVIEW
WITH DAVID GERGEN.) |
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