The woodpecker might ........
: Remember
that we are all in the same boat.
Letter in a bottle Will it ever come to an
end -- this method of governing by lies and
deception?
Here is just
another example of doing what they want, while
appearing to be doing something for the people.
One of the
rules in the book of how to control the world --
set up 1895, by those who are now doing just
that, states "...........we must provide
both options, if we want to get what we want; one
option good, one option bad; we must then present
the argument for both, until there is clear
debate in confusion and one of the options will
be accepted, the one we want".
Another of the
rules in that same book, says
"............we must control
information".
So, today, we
live with a system which is following the rules
to the letter and we are forced to live with the
apparent best of two bad choices, and we think we
have succeeded.
Wrong, the
controllers have succeeded, not us. Joe Bryant
|
Having written to C-Theory editors I was given a referral
opportunity to the following text. As one may quote 1% of
an article legally I here claim that : due to the major
importance of this particular article, that must now be
considered vital, by A growing public concerned at the
polarised extremes we now witness as international
Governments' procedures;
Thus, may I claim a 1% reproduction of c-theory's total
output....? enabling me reproduce the text entire....
The Rush to Judgment:
Binary Thinking in a Digital Age
By Peter Lurie
Contrast is power. The
greater the distinction between one position and
another, the stronger its credentials. We have an
atavistic impulse toward opposition: every analysis
of a concept or thing reverts to a sketch of its
converse. Since dualism is invariably invoked as a
hermeneutic aid, we don't notice its role in structuring
our thoughts, in shaping and finally constraining
our understanding.
After thousands of years of a binary approach to
political, philosophical, economic and sociological
problems, we have let our imagination ossify. We
are three-dimensional beings imprisoned within a
two-dimensional perspective.
Banners and slogans are distilled ideas:
reductionism is our weakness. In the run-up to the
invasion of Iraq, a baldly dualist perspective
changed the terms of debate and made both a peaceful
resolution or a broader coalition force impossible.
Protestors around the world chanted 'No Blood for
Oil.' Supporters responded: 'Anti-war Is
Pro-terrorism.' Still others wanted a more finely-tuned
discussion about the long-term effectiveness of
inspections backed by the threat of force. Polls
taken in February suggested that such a policy had
the support of pluralities and perhaps majorities
in England, America and even Germany, but it was a
position that required elaboration and compromise.[1] In the event, they never had the
chance. Strident voices hijacked the debate and
marched off in opposite directions, bullhorns
blaring. Polarized ranting made real discourse
impossible. The war might have been avoided or more
broadly supported -- in either case, a less
divisive and discouraging result, one with better
long-term prospects of success.
We shouldn't have been surprised. Dualism is older
than organized religion, as old as philosophy.
Plato distinguished between forms and the world,
the ideal and the actual instantiation.[2] The Bible is an extended allegory
of good and evil, of us (the chosen people, and
then those who follow Christ) against them
(Egyptians, Canaanites, Romans, sinners -- a medley
of unbelievers).[3]
The Old Testament chronicles the mostly horrific
tribulations of a tribe: its interactions with
other, less durable populations, and its efforts to
secure God's blessing (if not reliably his aid),
while diverting his wrath to others.[4] The New Testament is an extended
meditation on saints and sinners and the paths to
heaven and hell.[5]
Gnosticism, which predates church-centered
Christianity by several hundred years, held that
the spirit world was ideal and the physical world
contaminated and evil.[6] True knowledge rested in the
spiritual being, base knowledge in mere matter.
Reincarnation was not a blessing but rather a
sentence. In this, the Gnostics foreshadowed
Nietzsche's eternal recurrence, in which each
action must be repeated endlessly.[7] Earlier, Zoroaster, who lived in the
6th century B.C., believed the world to be a
product of the struggle between Ormuzd and Ahriman,
light and wisdom on the one hand, darkness and evil on
the other.[8]
The Manicheans, a hybrid of Gnostic and Zoroastran
thought, with a helping of pre-Islamic Persian
pantheism, posited a world perfectly divided
between good and evil, the former represented by
the spirit and the latter by the body, the two
spheres radically and irrevocably distinct.[9] Although Catholicism rejected Platonic
dualism in favor of a theistic monism, a
God-centered unity, St. Augustine remained
preoccupied with the difference between physical
and moral evil,[10] and Thomas Aquinas and the Scholastics
distinguished between spiritual beings and the
bodily matter that the spirit animates.[11]
Descartes, the first modern thinker to provide a
systematic analysis of the dualism between mind and
body, held that the mind and body interact at a
single point -- the pineal gland, of all places.[12] Descartes may have been wrong
about the gland, but his focus on the causal
relationship set the terms of the mind-body problem and
gave rise to a new discipline: the philosophy of
the mind.[13] Descartes conflated thought and
being, but others were less certain. Spinoza and
Schopenhauer believed that it was impossible to quite
distinguish between body and soul, and for that reason
the nature of consciousness was unknowable.[14] Saxophone players since Lester
Young have tended to agree.
If the mind-body problem no longer occupies a
central place in philosophic inquiry, it is because
cognitive science has successfully advanced the idea
that the mind is the body. As Steven Pinker has
demonstrated to great acclaim: "The mind is a
system of organs of computation designed by natural
selection to solve the problems faced by our
ancestors in their foraging way of life."[15] There is no soul in the machine.
Rather, the machine is constituted to create
the effect of a soul; the machine is so finely
calibrated that it is conscious of its existence and
its potential for nonexistence.
* * *
Efforts at synthesis have been unsatisfying. In
Buddhist cosmology, yin and yang are opposing
forces, similar to the Manichean concepts of good
and evil, which comprise an overarching whole, the Tao.[16] Dissatisfaction and ill-health result
from an imbalance between these two forces, and
happiness is closely tied to an individual's ability to
get the balance right. Yet the basic organizing principle
of Eastern thought is plainly dualist, for harmony
requires a synthesis of yin and yang.[17]
Nietzsche, taken with Buddhist and Zoroastrian
(Zarathustran) thinking, identified two opposing
artistic forms and explored the ways in which Greek
tragedy embodied them. The first, which he
called Apollonian, represented order, reason,
clarity and harmony.[18]
The second, the Dionysian, denoted wild creativity,
free-spirited and usually drunken play. Many
philosophers interpret Nietzsche's conception of
tragedy to elevate the Dionysian over the
sterile Apollonian, but Nietzsche was a subtler
thinker. He was searching for position beyond
dualist structures, just as he demanded an
ethics beyond good and evil. Nietzsche believed that
the strong-willed could balance Apollonian and
Dionysian forces.[19]
Few would be capable of such mastery, usually
effected through dedication to a particular art or
sport, and then only briefly. At those moments of
crystalline
balance, the over-man would gain insight and
knowledge.
Nietzsche's conception of the tragedy was an
attempt to synthesize dualist thought, but it wasn't
a rigorous, systemic effort. Nearly all
postmodernist theory, including the entirety of
linguistics and
deconstruction, is founded on a structuralist
theory of language as a system of binary signs. Each
sign is made up of a signifier (the word itself) and
the signified (the concept or meaning). De
Saussure observed that these signs are arbitrary, in
that they might plausibly refer to anything else.
The letters s, i, s, t, e and r suggest a girl or
woman who shares the same parents as the referent, but
the idea of this woman is not linked by any inner
relationship to the succession of sounds that serve
as its signifier.[20] Deconstruction at
once inverted and advanced structuralist linguistics, but
in its reliance on the relation of sign to
signifier, it remained essentially dualist.[21]
The Marxists, for all their revolutions, were
traditionalists in this respect. Dialectical
materialism set religion against science, capital
against labor, elevating in each case the latter as
the determining factor in any inquiry into the
structure of society. For the Marxists, the kind of
idealism Plato advocated was useless if
not misleading. Rather, society was better served by
an analysis of how material factors, such as the
means of production, determine the social and
economic structure of society.[22]
More than ten years after the fall of the Berlin
Wall, political theory remains stubbornly dualist,
despite the evidence that there are more than two
positions on the political spectrum. If the
20th century taught us anything, it is that
political thought cannot be divided neatly into left
and right. Indeed, the political landscape is less a
continuum than a circle, with the fascist right and
the totalitarian left adjoining each other on the
dark side of the political planet, an unpleasant
territory that now includes the fundamentalist
state. Recent adventures in foreign policy
are instructive, since Conservatives and Labour in
England, and Republicans and Democrats in America,
don't line up neatly when it comes to foreign
politics. The Bush-Blair alliance is one of
a radical conservative and a liberal with centrist
tendencies. So too with Chirac and Schroeder. In the
Middle East, it's the conservative warriors who end
their lives striving for peace (Rabin and
Sadat). And yet we persist, in America, England and
elsewhere, to divide the political debate into left
and right.
We divide liberty into negative values (the right
to be free of restrictions) and positive ones (the
right to food and shelter and work). Isaiah Berlin,
starting with an obscure quote from Auchilochus,
grouped thinkers as either hedgehogs or foxes:
hedgehogs know one big thing, while foxes know many
things.[23] Similarly, the protagonist of John
Updike's Rabbit tetralogy divides all humanity into
rabbits and bulls. Rabbits dart about to survive while
bulls plod on, unwavering.[24]
There are no Platonic hedgehogs, no thoroughbred
rabbits. Except for the true believers, we are all
mutts. Everyone, going about their daily lives, will
be both a taurine rabbit and a twitchy-nosed bovine.
A healthy society will understand that there are no
pure positive and negative liberties, that free
speech means little for the starving.
* * *
Even the arts have succumbed. The Matisse-Picasso
exhibit that opened at the Tate Modern before
hopping the Channel to the Grand Palais and then the
pond to MoMA Queens, pits the two artists against
each other, reducing masterpieces to a half-century
long, hubris-fueled game of artistic poker.[25] The catalogue is devoted to a
"Comparison with Comments," two pictures
on opposite pages with a paragraph comparing them.
It's puerile. Evidently not to be outdone in the race
to the binary bottom, The Metropolitan Museum of
Art in New York organized "Manet/Velazquez:
The French Taste for Spanish Painting," which
-- apart from Met director Philippe de Montebello's
obvious joy in recasting French 19th century
painting as an awed response to Spanish masters --
makes, with the ostentatious resources at the Met's
disposal, the incisive point that artists are influenced
by their predecessors, a process that involves less
anxiety than outright mimicry.[26]
Dualism may be hardwired into our genes. The
chemical structure of DNA is helical, two strings of
sugar phosphates wound round each other and
connected by supporting trusses of hydrogen, dangerous
if detached or misaligned. Watson and Crick
understood that the binary nature of DNA was its
critical trait:
The novel feature of the
structure is the manner in which the
two chains are held
together by the... bases...[which] are
joined together in pairs,
a single base from one chain being
hydrogen-bonded to a
single base from the other chain, so that
the two lie side by
side... Only specific pairs of bases can
bond together. ... [Since]
only specific pairs of bases can be
formed, it follows that if
the sequence of bases on one chain is
given, then the sequence
on the other chain is automatically
determined.... It has not
escaped our notice that the specific
pairing we have postulated
immediately suggests a possible
copying mechanism for the
genetic material.[27]
If the influence of DNA on thought structure seems
a leap, Richard Dawkins's work renders it more
plausible.[28] Natural selectionoperates upon genes, not
species, so the evolutionary success of the genes we
cart around with us -- or, more accurately, the genes
which utilize humans as a useful reproductive vessel
-- may be attributable to the kinds of thoughts they
determine.[29]
Humans may not
be walking and talking dualists, but genes certainly
are.
Dualism lies at the heart of life. It should not
then be surprising that given the chance to build
the ultimate machine, we based it on zeros and ones. Just
as the DNA structure determines replication
and reproduction -- the laws of life -- computer
code controls software and, more broadly,
cyberspace. Larry Lessig has written that just
as constitutions identify and protect values,
computer software preserves certain values at the
expense of others. Code, Lessig argues, is law.[30] And code, at heart, is binary.
* * *
Our genetic and computer codes may be Manichean,
but our thinking must not be. Dualism, which
originated as a theory about the structure of the
world, has calcified into an analytical set
piece. We must find another model. We must bring a
multivalent tool to bear on political, sociological,
philosophical or economic issues. It would be
rigorously open-minded, continuously recalibrated. It
would cast dichotomies as guideposts rather than
fenced-in camps. It would be vibrantly relational, a
cross-pollinating perspective yielding imaginative
solutions rather than deadening, zero-sum compromises.
Efforts to find a 'third way' suggest the
desperation that dualism yields, particularly in the
political arena. It is there that a multivalent tool
would be most welcome and useful. As
liberal democracies mature, political voices accrete
into two major parties because they are unable to
wield significant influence outside them. Opinions
that don't advance the party's current strategy
are shunted. A broad coalition -- a big tent -- is
usually an ineffectual one. In the United States the
two-party system is creaking, with the Republicans
bloated with money and power and the Democrats just
emerging from fearful disarray. This is partly
the result of the surprisingly symbiotic
relationship between corporations, with their lavish
lobbying purses, and the Christian right, which
votes, writes letters, protests and, well,
votes. Corporations pursue economic interests while
the Christian right
monitors social matters, and because they rarely
conflict, it turns out to be relatively easy for the
Republican party to address both. The recent
strength of Green parties in Germany and Scandinavia,
and the occasional burst of hateful exuberance by Le
Pen's Front National and Austria's Freedom Party,
are exceptions that prove the rule. Their gains are
almost immediately co-opted by one of the entrenched
parties (consider the endearing Mr. Joschka
Fischer, Germany's foreign minister, faithfully
serving Schroeder's Social Democrats).
The loss of effective political diversity
emasculates liberal democracy. It may foster
corruption. A new perspective, shorn of dualist
tropes, would create a more dynamic republic -- and it
could work in real life.
Few political issues cleave a group of citizens as
neatly and ferociously in two as environmental
problems. A hydroelectric dam is a good enough
example. It produces electricity for the
surrounding community, water for down-valley
farmers, a hell of a hurdle for spawning salmon,
stagnation and a slow death by silting for the
river and the riparian ecology, and, in the
submergence of often stunning valleys and
waterfalls, a symbol of human arrogance
to environmentalists. A dam has a way of producing a
fantastic array of interest groups: loggers,
farmers, environmentalists, fishermen, outdoorsmen
-- who may include backcountry hikers and
kayak enthusiasts, who tend to be philosophic
environmentalists, and sport fishermen and hunters,
who may not -- and then there is the electric power
company, its stockholders, and the large and small
construction firms with an eye toward many-zeroed
contracts. And somehow, among all these voices, the
dispute is inevitably drawn as narrowly as possible
-- YES! or NO! -- as if humans, with our laughter and
irony and opposable thumbs, with our sense of wonder
and the capacity to design a thing as beautiful and
functional as a bicycle, could think of nothing more
complex.
All of the interest groups -- with the exception,
perhaps, of the off-the-grid ecotopians and their
neighbors, the antigovernment survivalists -- need
the dam, or at least the electricity it
will generate. Even the coldest bean counters can
appreciate the value of unspoiled wilderness. The
solution to the dam dilemma will lie in the broadest
balance of power generation, harvesting and extraction
of resources, and wilderness preservation. This dam
must be linked to the last dam, to the next
gas-fired plant, to the roadless national monument
across the state. Some environmentalists, for example,
are working to connect wildlands across continents
rather than focusing on gemlike islands of
wilderness slowly losing their viability
to encroaching development. It turns out that the
earliest preserves in Europe, North America and
Africa were sustainable because the surrounding
territory was largely uninhabited. Now that tract
housing has reached the Yellowstone gates, the
ecological health of these areas are foundering.
Connected wildlands both strengthen the ecology of
more strictly cordoned areas and permit development
elsewhere. The nature of the project compels
compromise with the broadest range of constituencies
rather than the one-off toe-to-toe battles with
the snowmobile lobby in one region, the logging
industry in another, ranchers on the plains and
developers on the outskirts of town. A multivalent
compromise based on relational thinking will create
a coherent framework for incremental issues.
In the future, all politics will be global. Before
then, we must strive to draw political issues as
broadly as possible. In the short term, this will
make solutions more difficult by increasing
the complexity of any acceptable compromise. It's
always easier to cut a side deal; remember the
popularity of the smoke-filled antechamber. But the
plans and compromises brokered there don't long outlast
the cigars.
Even the conflict in the Middle East has been
perverted by dualist thought. Cast as a dispute
between Israelis and Palestinians, any incremental
gain by one must represent a loss by the other. When
the focus is real estate, solutions tend to be zero
sum, but even where the land at issue includes holy
sites of three major religions, a broader,
relational perspective would advance the peace process.
A solution is not likely to be reached by drawing
lines in the sand. Rather, every directly and
indirectly interested party will have to contribute,
compromise, and fold down its aggressions. Syria
will have to cede its control of Lebanon in return
for part of the Golan, a recognition of Israel, and
a demilitarized zone along the Heights. Egypt will
have to warm a cold peace with free trade, while it
and Jordan grant amnesty and citizenship to
Palestinians living there. Israel will have to allow
a relatively small but symbolically substantial
number of Palestinian refugees the right to return to
and live peacefully within the Israeli state. The
wealthy Gulf states will have to generously fund a
new Palestinian state and end support for terrorist
organizations. Iraq must be rebuilt with the
assistance of the United Nations. Palestinians will
have to police themselves
and quash terrorism, or Israel will have the right
to defend itself against the fledgling state. And
Israel will have to withdraw from Gaza and all but a
short security zone along the Green Line -- one
that excludes the settlements. Then the region may
slowly recover from this thousand-year thrashing.
* * *
It would be easy enough to dismiss any call for a
new way of thinking as starry-eyed idealism, but an
important piece of the foundation has already been
laid. Few believe that the technological revolution
will bring peace, love and understanding, but it has
already yielded a freer, more open society, one in
which more people have access to more information,
possessed of the tools necessary to both
contribute to the community and succeed within it.
The internet may not change the world -- the
millennium and the millennial market seems a
long way behind us now -- but technology and
globalization will make broad, relational thinking
increasingly easy to understand, even necessary.
During the Clinton years, the White House famously
employed a technique misleadingly termed triangulation to
control the political agenda.[31] But it was less about finding a third
way than about
splitting the difference, finding a defensible
middle ground between extreme views. It worked well
enough for a while, but it was finally ineffective.
When the bubble burst, America found that it had
not come very far at all, and indeed may have taken
a few steps back -- a desperately imbalanced society
with extremes of wealth and poverty that has mislaid
its sense of civic purpose. Its hypocrisies have
not gone unnoticed. Much of the rest of the planet
either resents or in many places loathes American
exceptionalism, its sense of entitlement, even its
professed ideals. In the decade following September
11th, the U.S. and its allies must accomplish a great
deal more than it did in the decade preceding it.
The terrain will be much less forgiving.
The need for a more imaginative mindset is
pressing, even urgent. There is no life at the
poles, or at least not much of it. The action is
south of the Arctic and north of the Southern Ocean. We
live there; we must think there as well. Just as the
beauty of black & white photography lies less in
pure blacks and perfect whites than in the 11-tone
gray scale, we must learn to think across a
continuum. The power of an Ansel Adams print is less
in the intrinsic majesty of Half Dome, which is
photographed thousands of times each day, than
in Adams' mastery of the zone system, a rigorously
calibrated method of controlling exposure,
development and printing to maximize range
and density. The zone system is famously difficult.
Adams used it to locate as many as 25 gray tones,
but most photographers have happily abandoned the
zone system in favor of the tinkering pleasures
of Photoshop. As citizens, however, we don't have
that luxury. We must think broadly on an open plane.
That will require courage and, like the great
basketball player, a sense of where we are. We don't
think that way, but we should.
Notes:
------
[1] See, for example, Patrick Tyler and Janet
Elder, "Polls Finds Most in U.S. Support
Delaying a War," ~New York Times~, February
14, 2003, A 1; John Allen Paulos, "Polls, a
Proverb and the Price: Gauging War Sentiment in the
U.S. and Elsewhere," ABCNEWS.com, March 2, 2003
Available online at:
http://abcnews.go.com/sections/scitech/WhosCounting/
whoscounting030302.html; Warren Hoge,
"Parliament Backs Blair on Iraq, but Vote Bares
Rift in Labor Party," ~New York Times~,
February 27, 2003, A 12.; Richard Bernstein,
"Continental Reaction: Speech Praised by
Europe's Politicians, but Public Is Still
Unpersuaded," ~New York Times~, February 6,
2003, Sect. A, p. 21.
[2] Plato, _Phaedo_, in _Plato, The Collected
Dialogues_, Hugh Tredennick, trans., Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1999, pp. 40-84.
[3] See, for example, Judges 3; Exodus 1:1;
Habbakkuk 1; Psalm 9:17; Daniel 12:2.
[4] See, for example, anything in Exodus, but
particularly Exodus 12; Psalm 136:10-16.
[5] See, for example, Matthew 25:46; Luke 16:19-31.
[6] Elaine Pagels, _The Gnostic Gospels_, New York:
Vintage, 1989, pp. 122-27.
[7] Friedrich Nietzsche, _The Gay Science_, Walter
Kaufmann, trans., New York: Random House, 1974,
sections 285, 341.
[8] Thomas Bulfinch, _Mythology_, Modern Library,
1998, Chapter XXXVII.
[9] John Bowler, _Oxford Book of World Religions_,
Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000, p. 565.
[10] St. Augustine, "On the Nature of
Good," in _The Essential Augustine_, Vernon J.
Burke, ed., Indianapolis: Hackett, 1974, sections
1-25.
[11] F.C. Copleston, _Aquinas_, London: Penguin,
1991, pp. 156-172.
[12] G.J.C. Lokhorst & Timo T. Kaitaro.
"The originality of Descartes' theory about the
pineal gland," _Journal for the History of the
Neurosciences_, 10, No 1 (2001): pp. 6-18.
[13] Descartes, "Meditations on the First
Philosophy," in _A Discourse on Method,
Meditations and Principles_, John Veitch, trans.,
New York: Everyman, pp. 79-88.
[14] Spinoza, _The Ethics and Other Works_, ed. and
trans. Edward Curley, Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1994, pp. 48-55; Schopenhauer,
_The World as Will and Representation_, E.F.S.
Payne trans., New York: Dover, 1966, pp. 153-165.
[15] Steven Pinker, _How the Mind Works_, New York:
Norton, 2003, p. 21.
[16] Alan Watts, _The Way of Zen_, New York:
Vintage, 1989, p. 175.
[17] Lao Tse, _Tao te Ching_, Stephen Mitchell, ed.
and trans., New York: HarperCollins, 1988, section 2
("Being and non-being create each other /
Difficult and easy support each other / Long and
short define each other / High and low depend on
each other / Before and after follow each
other").
[18] Nietzsche, _The Birth of Tragedy_, Walter
Kaufmann, trans., New York: Random House, 1967, ch.
1-5.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Ferdinand de Saussure, _Course in General
Linguistics_, Wade Baskins, trans., New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1965, pp. 12-14.
[21] Jonathan Culler, _On Deconstruction: Theory
and Criticism after Structuralism_, Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1983, pp 227-280; Terry Eagleton,
_Literary Theory_, Minneapolis: Univ. of
Minnesota Press, 1996, pp. 110-131.
[22] Terry Eagleton, _Literary Theory_,
Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1996, pp.
169- 188; Terry Eagleton, "Towards a Science of
the Text," (1976) in _Marxist Literary Theory_,
Terry
Eagleton and Drew Milne, eds., Oxford: Blackwell,
2002.
[23] Isaiah Berlin, "The Hedgehog and the
Fox" in _The Russian Thinkers_, London:
Penguin, 1994, pp. 22-81.
[24] John Updike, _The Rabbit Novels_, v. 1 &
2, New York: Ballentine, 2003.
[25] "Matisse Picasso," Museum of Modern
Art, New York: February 13-May 19, 2003; Henri
Matisse, Isabelle Monod-Fontaine, John Golding, John
Elderfield, Anne Baldassari, Pablo Picasso,
Kirk Varnadoe, Elizabeth Cowling (contributors),
_Matisse Picasso_, New York: Museum of Modern Art,
2002.
[26] Gary Tinterow, Genevieve Lacambre, Deborah
Rolden (contributors), _Manet/Velazquez: The French
Taste for Spanish Painting (Metropolitan Museum of
Art)_, New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2003.
[27] The seminal article is James Watson and
Francis Crick, "A Structure for Deoxyribose
Nucleic Acid," _Nature_, April 2, 1953.
[28] Richard Dawkins, _The Selfish Gene,_ Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1999, pp. 46-66.
[29] Ibid.
[30] Lawrence Lessig, _Code and Other Laws of
Cyberspace, _Basic Books, 1999, pp. 3-9.
[31] See, for example, the overheated rant by the
otherwise talented Chris Hitchens: Christopher
Hitchens, _No One Left To Lie To: The Triangulations
of William Jefferson Clinton_, New York: Verso
Books, 1999, pp. 23-53.
--------------------
Peter Lurie©2003; He is general counsel of Virgin
Mobile USA, a wireless voice
and internet service. The views expressed are his
own.
____________________________
*
* CTHEORY is
an international journal of theory, technology and
culture. Articles, interviews, and key book reviews in
contemporary discourse are published weekly as well as
theorisations of major "event-scenes" in the
mediascape.
*
* Editors:
Arthur and Marilouise Kroker
*
To view CTHEORY online please visit:
http://www.ctheory.net/
OBSCENE E-MAILS ARE NOT ARGUMENT OR DEBATE:
Dave Kersting
It is always good to know what
counter-arguments our views elicit. The scholar is always
looking for a valid reply that calls for change in
his/her "best argument so far." It is equally
good to have some sense of proportion about the replies -
how much sheer obscenity, how much standard myth, how
much open racism, versus how many sincere efforts. To the
scholar it is all data.
In the case of Zionism, the
counter-argument has always been an extremely high
percentage of mere obscenity, racism, and violence (even
worse than the kind of response Zionist-raised children
are taught to expect from "the Arabs").
Those rare and lonely individuals who
took "equality" seriously all along - and tried
to ask why it should not apply to Israel/Palestine - can
testify that, before the events of 9/11 started drawing
public attention, the Zionist (including the
"progressive") response to such questions ran
about 98% obscenity and about 100% overt racism against
"Arabs." As to
violence in the same period, throughout the 1970s, '80s,
and '90s, the level of open violence, committed with
total impunity, against (real) equal-rights activists
when we presented the standard pro-equality arguments at
"pro-Israel" gatherings, was at least 80% of
all such efforts. All of this is
important historic data.
The most aggressive expressions of
obscenity and racism began to be curtailed shortly after
September 28 2000, and liberal lashings of open violence
dropped away sharply, in the glare of awakened public
attention, but the rate of obscenity and racism in
written replies in email remains very high.
Meanwhile, absolutely no one has yet
bothered to offer the first rational argument as to why
the "progressive" scene and "anti-war
movement" should continue to waive its usual
opposition to racism in the special case of Israel. The
"two-state peace" which has long been the goal
of the "progressives" is, of course, openly
racist, as is the Zionist-friendly deletion of the core
Zionist-ethnic-cleansing-of-Palestine issue from
"anti-war" actions against each spin-off war.
The obscene, violent, and slanderous
methods used by "progressive" leaders to censor
such "divisive" issues - conveniently
eliminating the most moderate anti-war arguments and
assuring the success of Zionist interests in Palestine,
Afghanistan, and Iraq - are important elements in the
data regarding Zionist suppression of basic arguments for
human equality.
Every new eruption of obscenity
increases the ratio of such replies, versus rational
replies, which hold steady at zero, among Zionists and
mainstream "progressives" and
"peaceniks."
This data will some day have historic
value.
FROM: togethernet@yahoogroups.com
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