THE HANDSTAND

january 2005


Google to scan famous libraries

The libraries of five of the world's most important academic institutions are to be digitised by Google.

Scanned pages from books in the public domain will then be made available for search and reading online.

The full libraries of Michigan and Stanford universities, as well as archives at Harvard, Oxford and the New York Public Library are included.

Online pages from scanned books will not have adverts but will have links to online store Amazon, Google said.

Lengthy project

"The goal of the project is to unlock the wealth of information that is offline and bring it online," said Susan Wojcicki, director of product management at Google.

There will also be links to public libraries so that the books can be borrowed. Google will not be paid for providing for the links.

It will take six years to digitise the full collection at Michigan, which contains seven million volumes.

Users will only have access to extracts and bibliographies of copyrighted works.

The New York library is allowing Google to include a small portion of books no longer covered by copyright.

Harvard is limiting its participation to 40,000 books, while Oxford wants Google to scan books originally

published in the 19th Century and held in the Bodleian Library.

A spokeswoman for Oxford University said the digitised books would include novels, poetry, political tracts and art books.

"Important works that are out of print or only available in a few libraries around the world will be made available to everyone," she said.

About one million books will be scanned by Google, less than 15% of the total collection held in the Bodleian.

"We hope that Oxford's contribution to this project will be of scholarly use, as well as general interest, to people around the world," said Reg Carr, director of Oxford University Library Services.

Impact on libraries

"It's a significant opportunity to bring our material to the rest of the world," said Paul LeClerc, president of the New York Public Library.

"It could solve an old problem: If people can't get to us, how can we get to them?"

"This is the day the world changes," said John Wilkin, a University of Michigan librarian working with Google.

"It will be disruptive because some people will worry that this is the beginning of the end of libraries.

"But this is something we have to do to revitalise the profession and make it more meaningful."


BARRY CHAMISH’S books an over view,
by Joel SkousenŠ

No update on Israel would be complete without a review of Barry’s unique series of exposes putting Israel’s treacherous leaders under the scrutiny of truth. I read everything Barry Chamish writes about Israel. I consider his works, even with their flaws, essential reading for any serious student of the inner workings of Israel. He is literally Israel’s lone voice in the wilderness, trying desperately to wake up a sleeping nation to the reality of their impending demise—by their own leaders. There are other valiant voices defending Israel from its enemies within, but none has the clarity of understanding that Barry has concerning the conspiratorial and globalist ties which control Israel’s leaders, whether on the right or the left.

Most defenders of the Jewish Torah-Zion position in Israel naively think their problems with leaders are the result of "rogue" elements of corruption that can be fixed by simply changing leaders. Little do they know that the corruption and betrayal is systemic, rather than exceptional. And, as in US politics, globalist controllers in Israel cultivate opposition leaders further to the right (i.e.: Netanyahu) of the current phony conservative leader (Sharon) so that when the people finally get fed up with betrayal they fall into the arms of another phony savior claiming to champion their cause, and so the cycle of deception continues.

Barry Chamish is loved and appreciated by thousands and hated by many more for having the audacity to challenge the official government version of events surrounding the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. That was the key event that changed Barry’s life and career. Not only was Rabin NOT shot by a right-wing fanatic settler, as the government claimed, but the blank-shooting patsy who was set up to be blamed for the assassination, Yigal Amir, turned out to be an agent for the Shabak (Israeli Secret Service) and part of a radical right wing outfit created by and run by other Shabak agents. In other words, Rabin was killed by dark side elements of his own government—just like JFK in the US. Chamish has discovered 90% of all the sordid details surrounding the assassination and subsequent cover-up, and sources keep coming forward to confirm more of the actual story. Chamish’s Who Murdered Yitzhak Rabin is a classic in the genre. His video analysis of the assassination film graphically proves his case as well.

One of the fascinating things to read in Barry’s subsequent books are the number of first hand witnesses that come forward to give him additional pieces of information missing in the original work—which served as an impetus to bring many reluctant witnesses out from the woodwork. We in America almost never have the benefits of so many insiders coming forward, so great is their fear of elimination and retribution from the powerful forces that control our country. There are reasons why Israel’s fate is a little different. First, because of God’s promises to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, Israel (though most Jews are irreligious and undeserving) the Lord keeps intervening, thwarting these conspirator’s designs through continual Palestinian terror. Second, dealing with conspiracy in the nation of Israel is like dealing with a city government the size of Houston, rather than a nation. When a nation has only a few million people and is tucked into a city the size of Houston, you run into people who see things and know things much more easily than you do in a huge country like the United States. Barry is always running into conspirators at public functions where he confronts them brazenly and records their reactions, ranging from outright disdain to livid bursts of anger. He tirelessly hauls his books around to conferences or meetings and dares people to read the truth. Many do, and now over half of Israel believes there was a conspiracy by government to kill Yitzak Rabin and blame it on radical settlers.

Barry’s other books, Traitors and Carpet Baggers in the Promised Land, and Save Israel continue to saga of collusion and conspiracy between those pretending to represent Israel’s Right (the Likud) and the radical Marxist Left (Labor Party). Chamish details the manner in which America’s elite leaders of the Council on Foreign Relations and other interlocking globalist conspirators suborn, train up, and control Israel’s leaders. He is the only Israeli investigative reporter other than Joel Bainerman (Author: Crimes of a President) who really understands this crucial issue.

Chamish’s latest book is Shabtai Tzvi, Labor Zionism, and the Holocaust ($25 postpaid from Israel for WAB subscribers). Don’t be put off by the difficulty of the title. Like his other works, most of this book is a chronicle of his latest research uncovering the hidden hand of treachery behind the most recent political assassinations and murders in Israel. His analysis of the Ginosar scandal is a must read, showing who in Israel colluded with terrorists to set up Arafat’s secret bank accounts and why. Only the last two chapters deal with the historical conspiracies of Shabtai Tzvi and Labor Zionism.

As a caution to those unfamiliar with his works, you have to know how to read Chamish. He is brilliant, but also a little erratic, darting from one topic to another without refreshing the reader’s memory about who’s who, or explaining titles or acronyms that abound. Keep in mind, these books are all produced under the greatest personal strain by a man impassioned by a just cause but operating with no outside editor, little money, and harried by government attempts on his life and sanity. It’s best to get the whole set of Barry’s books and start from the beginning. If you come to a part you don’t understand, just keep reading; he’ll eventually repeat the information in another context, and after hearing certain key people show up numerous times, you’ll start to remember who the real dangerous people are. This is real live sleuthing, even if the prose is not as clear as Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. Be patient. The journey is worth the effort.

For books and prices, go to Barry’s website,
www.barrychamish.com. Contact email is: chamish@netvision.net.il


BOOK REVIEW : 'tHE cONSCIENCE OF AN ECONOMIC HIT MAN',
BY JOHN PERKINS
Talking to Amy Goodman

John Perkins describes himself as a former economic hit man - a highly paid professional who cheated countries around the globe out of trillions of dollars.

20 years ago Perkins began writing a book with the working title, "Conscience of an Economic Hit Men."

Perkins writes, "The book was to be dedicated to the presidents of two countries, men who had been his clients whom I respected and thought of as kindred spirits - Jaime Rold?s, president of Ecuador, and Omar Torrijos, president of Panama. Both had just died in fiery crashes. Their deaths were not accidental. They were assassinated because they opposed that fraternity of corporate, government, and banking heads whose goal is global empire. We Economic Hit Men failed to bring Rold?s and Torrijos around, and the other type of hit men, the CIA-sanctioned jackals who were always right behind us, stepped in.

John Perkins goes on to write: "I was persuaded to stop writing that book. I started it four more times during the next twenty years. On each occasion, my decision to begin again was influenced by current world events: the U.S. invasion of Panama in 1980, the first Gulf War, Somalia, and the rise of Osama bin Laden. However, threats or bribes always convinced me to stop."

But now Perkins has finally published his story. The book is titled Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. John Perkins joins us now in our Firehouse studios.

  • John Perkins, from 1971 to 1981 he worked for the international consulting firm of Chas T. Main where he was a self-described "economic hit man." He is the author of the new book Confessions of an Economic Hit Man.

AMY GOODMAN: John Perkins joins us now in our firehouse studio. Welcome to Democracy Now!

JOHN PERKINS: Thank you, Amy. It’s great to be here.

AMY GOODMAN: It’s good to have you with us. Okay, explain this term, “economic hit man,” e.h.m., as you call it.

JOHN PERKINS: Basically what we were trained to do and what our job is to do is to build up the American empire. To bring -- to create situations where as many resources as possible flow into this country, to our corporations, and our government, and in fact we’ve been very successful. We’ve built the largest empire in the history of the world. It's been done over the last 50 years since World War II with very little military might, actually. It's only in rare instances like Iraq where the military comes in as a last resort. This empire, unlike any other in the history of the world, has been built primarily through economic manipulation, through cheating, through fraud, through seducing people into our way of life, through the economic hit men. I was very much a part of that.

AMY GOODMAN: How did you become one? Who did you work for?

JOHN PERKINS: Well, I was initially recruited while I was in business school back in the late sixties by the National Security Agency, the nation's largest and least understood spy organization; but ultimately I worked for private corporations. The first real economic hit man was back in the early 1950's, Kermit Roosevelt, the grandson of Teddy, who overthrew of government of Iran, a democratically elected government, Mossadegh’s government who was Time's magazine person of the year; and he was so successful at doing this without any bloodshed -- well, there was a little bloodshed, but no military intervention, just spending millions of dollars and replaced Mossadegh with the Shah of Iran. At that point, we understood that this idea of economic hit man was an extremely good one. We didn't have to worry about the threat of war with Russia when we did it this way. The problem with that was that Roosevelt was a C.I.A. agent. He was a government employee. Had he been caught, we would have been in a lot of trouble. It would have been very embarrassing. So, at that point, the decision was made to use organizations like the C.I.A. and the N.S.A. to recruit potential economic hit men like me and then send us to work for private consulting companies, engineering firms, construction companies, so that if we were caught, there would be no connection with the government.

AMY GOODMAN: Okay. Explain the company you worked for.

JOHN PERKINS: Well, the company I worked for was a company named Chas. T. Main in Boston, Massachusetts. We were about 2,000 employees, and I became its chief economist. I ended up having fifty people working for me. But my real job was deal-making. It was giving loans to other countries, huge loans, much bigger than they could possibly repay. One of the conditions of the loan–let's say a $1 billion to a country like Indonesia or Ecuador–and this country would then have to give ninety percent of that loan back to a U.S. company, or U.S. companies, to build the infrastructure–a Halliburton or a Bechtel. These were big ones. Those companies would then go in and build an electrical system or ports or highways, and these would basically serve just a few of the very wealthiest families in those countries. The poor people in those countries would be stuck ultimately with this amazing debt that they couldn’t possibly repay. A country today like Ecuador owes over fifty percent of its national budget just to pay down its debt. And it really can’t do it. So, we literally have them over a barrel. So, when we want more oil, we go to Ecuador and say, “Look, you're not able to repay your debts, therefore give our oil companies your Amazon rain forest, which are filled with oil.” And today we're going in and destroying Amazonian rain forests, forcing Ecuador to give them to us because they’ve accumulated all this debt. So we make this big loan, most of it comes back to the United States, the country is left with the debt plus lots of interest, and they basically become our servants, our slaves. It's an empire. There's no two ways about it. It’s a huge empire. It's been extremely successful.

AMY GOODMAN: We're talking to John Perkins, author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. You say because of bribes and other reason you didn't write this book for a long time. What do you mean? Who tried to bribe you, or who -- what are the bribes you accepted?

JOHN PERKINS: Well, I accepted a half a million dollar bribe in the nineties not to write the book.

AMY GOODMAN: From?

JOHN PERKINS: From a major construction engineering company.

AMY GOODMAN: Which one?

JOHN PERKINS: Legally speaking, it wasn't -- Stoner-Webster. Legally speaking it wasn't a bribe, it was -- I was being paid as a consultant. This is all very legal. But I essentially did nothing. It was a very understood, as I explained in Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, that it was -- I was -- it was understood when I accepted this money as a consultant to them I wouldn't have to do much work, but I mustn't write any books about the subject, which they were aware that I was in the process of writing this book, which at the time I called “Conscience of an Economic Hit Man.” And I have to tell you, Amy, that, you know, it’s an extraordinary story from the standpoint of -- It's almost James Bondish, truly, and I mean--

AMY GOODMAN: Well that's certainly how the book reads.

JOHN PERKINS: Yeah, and it was, you know? And when the National Security Agency recruited me, they put me through a day of lie detector tests. They found out all my weaknesses and immediately seduced me. They used the strongest drugs in our culture, sex, power and money, to win me over. I come from a very old New England family, Calvinist, steeped in amazingly strong moral values. I think I, you know, I’m a good person overall, and I think my story really shows how this system and these powerful drugs of sex, money and power can seduce people, because I certainly was seduced. And if I hadn't lived this life as an economic hit man, I think I’d have a hard time believing that anybody does these things. And that's why I wrote the book, because our country really needs to understand, if people in this nation understood what our foreign policy is really about, what foreign aid is about, how our corporations work, where our tax money goes, I know we will demand change.

AMY GOODMAN: We're talking to John Perkins. In your book, you talk about how you helped to implement a secret scheme that funneled billions of dollars of Saudi Arabian petrol dollars back into the U.S. economy, and that further cemented the intimate relationship between the House of Saud and successive U.S. administrations. Explain.

JOHN PERKINS: Yes, it was a fascinating time. I remember well, you're probably too young to remember, but I remember well in the early seventies how OPEC exercised this power it had, and cut back on oil supplies. We had cars lined up at gas stations. The country was afraid that it was facing another 1929-type of crash–depression; and this was unacceptable. So, they -- the Treasury Department hired me and a few other economic hit men. We went to Saudi Arabia. We --

AMY GOODMAN: You're actually called economic hit men --e.h.m.’s?

JOHN PERKINS: Yeah, it was a tongue-in-cheek term that we called ourselves. Officially, I was a chief economist. We called ourselves e.h.m.'s. It was tongue-in-cheek. It was like, nobody will believe us if we say this, you know? And, so, we went to Saudi Arabia in the early seventies. We knew Saudi Arabia was the key to dropping our dependency, or to controlling the situation. And we worked out this deal whereby the Royal House of Saud agreed to send most of their petro-dollars back to the United States and invest them in U.S. government securities. The Treasury Department would use the interest from these securities to hire U.S. companies to build Saudi Arabia–new cities, new infrastructure–which we’ve done. And the House of Saud would agree to maintain the price of oil within acceptable limits to us, which they’ve done all of these years, and we would agree to keep the House of Saud in power as long as they did this, which we’ve done, which is one of the reasons we went to war with Iraq in the first place. And in Iraq we tried to implement the same policy that was so successful in Saudi Arabia, but Saddam Hussein didn't buy. When the economic hit men fail in this scenario, the next step is what we call the jackals. Jackals are C.I.A.-sanctioned people that come in and try to foment a coup or revolution. If that doesn't work, they perform assassinations. or try to. In the case of Iraq, they weren't able to get through to Saddam Hussein. He had -- His bodyguards were too good. He had doubles. They couldn’t get through to him. So the third line of defense, if the economic hit men and the jackals fail, the next line of defense is our young men and women, who are sent in to die and kill, which is what we’ve obviously done in Iraq.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you explain how Torrijos died?

JOHN PERKINS: Omar Torrijos, the President of Panama. Omar Torrijos had signed the Canal Treaty with Carter much -- and, you know, it passed our congress by only one vote. It was a highly contended issue. And Torrijos then also went ahead and negotiated with the Japanese to build a sea-level canal. The Japanese wanted to finance and construct a sea-level canal in Panama. Torrijos talked to them about this which very much upset Bechtel Corporation, whose president was George Schultz and senior council was Casper Weinberger. When Carter was thrown out (and that’s an interesting story–how that actually happened), when he lost the election, and Reagan came in and Schultz came in as Secretary of State from Bechtel, and Weinberger came from Bechtel to be Secretary of Defense, they were extremely angry at Torrijos -- tried to get him to renegotiate the Canal Treaty and not to talk to the Japanese. He adamantly refused. He was a very principled man. He had his problem, but he was a very principled man. He was an amazing man, Torrijos. And so, he died in a fiery airplane crash, which was connected to a tape recorder with explosives in it, which -- I was there. I had been working with him. I knew that we economic hit men had failed. I knew the jackals were closing in on him, and the next thing, his plane exploded with a tape recorder with a bomb in it. There's no question in my mind that it was C.I.A. sanctioned, and most -- many Latin American investigators have come to the same conclusion. Of course, we never heard about that in our country.

AMY GOODMAN: So, where -- when did your change your heart happen?

JOHN PERKINS: I felt guilty throughout the whole time, but I was seduced. The power of these drugs, sex, power, and money, was extremely strong for me. And, of course, I was doing things I was being patted on the back for. I was chief economist. I was doing things that Robert McNamara liked and so on.

AMY GOODMAN: How closely did you work with the World Bank?

JOHN PERKINS: Very, very closely with the World Bank. The World Bank provides most of the money that’s used by economic hit men, it and the I.M.F. But when 9/11 struck, I had a change of heart. I knew the story had to be told because what happened at 9/11 is a direct result of what the economic hit men are doing. And the only way that we're going to feel secure in this country again and that we're going to feel good about ourselves is if we use these systems we’ve put into place to create positive change around the world. I really believe we can do that. I believe the World Bank and other institutions can be turned around and do what they were originally intended to do, which is help reconstruct devastated parts of the world. Help -- genuinely help poor people. There are twenty-four thousand people starving to death every day. We can change that.

AMY GOODMAN: John Perkins, I want to thank you very much for being with us. John Perkins' book is called, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man.