The security industry: Britain's
        private army in Iraq 
        The British security guards taken hostage in Baghdad
        are just four among a foreign legion paid for by you. Yet
        as we grow more reliant on them, their future is perilous
        in a country without rules.  
         
        By Andrew Johnson, Marie Woolf and Raymond Whitaker 
        Published: 03 June 2007 
        Baghdad is a city where there is no safety and no law,
        but the five Britons - a computer consultant and his
        four-man security detail - would have been entitled to
        feel relatively secure inside the Finance Ministry.  
        The building was heavily guarded by uniformed Iraqi
        police and paramilitaries. It was a Tuesday morning, and
        Palestine Street was busy, with more people venturing out
        since the US-led security "surge" damped down
        the violence in the centre of the Iraqi capital. 
        Yet in broad daylight, a convoy of vehicles with up to
        40 men, some in the camouflage uniforms of special police
        commandos, was able to drive up to the ministry and pass
        through the gate. The men headed straight for where the
        Britons were working, took them without a struggle and
        drove off. Even by the standards of the most dangerous
        city in the world, it was an especially brazen
        kidnapping. Nothing has been heard of the victims since. 
        The search for them has focused on Sadr City, the
        giant Shia slum on the outskirts of Baghdad that is the
        stronghold of Moqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army. Not only did
        witnesses say that the convoy headed in that direction
        after leaving the ministry, but the militia is thought to
        be one of the few groups with the contacts inside the
        Iraqi government to carry out the operation. 
        Hoshyar Zebari, the foreign minister, said last week
        that the Palestine Street area was in the Mahdi Army's
        "field of operations", adding: "It has
        been known for some time that the Interior Ministry
        police, security units and forces are corrupt, are
        penetrated." According to British officials, the
        kidnappers would never have got through the gate if the
        guards had been Sunnis or Kurdish. A senior Mahdi Army
        figure has denied that the militia was involved. 
        But if the circumstances are mysterious, the abduction
        has cast light on the way Iraq's bloody chaos has given
        birth to an entire private security industry, one in
        which British companies are among the leaders. The irony
        is that a decreasing proportion of their employees, and
        clients, are British. If the kidnapping was aimed at
        Britain, as some believe, to avenge the death of a senior
        Mahdi Army commander in Basra recently at the hands of
        British troops, those who carried it out would have had
        to be especially well informed, because neither the
        consultant nor his protectors was working for British
        employers. 
        The IT consultant was hired by BearingPoint, a
        well-connected US management consultancy. The four
        security men worked for GardaWorld, a Canadian company
        which guards airports in its home country and recently
        branched out into the Iraq security business when it took
        over two US companies with operations there. 
        But GardaWorld is dwarfed by the largest private
        security operations, several of which - such as
        ArmorGroup, Aegis, Control Risks, Erinys and Olive Group
        - are British. Their executives argue that experience
        gained during the 1990s stood them in good stead when the
        Iraq invasion created a huge demand for security
        services. Tim Spicer, for example, operated in Sierra
        Leone with his former company Sandline. A former
        lieutenant colonel, he is now chief executive of Aegis. 
        Former SAS members, as well as British ex-soldiers and
        policemen, are in demand, the companies say, because they
        are less trigger-happy and trained to work to far tighter
        rules of engagement than their US counterparts. But given
        that the torrent of reconstruction money poured into Iraq
        was mainly American, US companies have come into the
        business. "The Americans never had a private
        security industry previously, but they do now, thanks to
        Iraq," said one British executive. 
        Estimates suggest that there are roughly 40,000
        private security employees in Iraq carrying out a variety
        of duties, from close protection work to "static
        protection" of premises such as embassies, and
        escorting supply convoys. But the vast majority of those
        are Iraqis: there are reckoned to be only 5,000
        "First World" nationals - Britons, Americans
        and Commonwealth citizens - and about twice that number
        of "third country" nationals. Some are Gurkhas
        and Fijians trained in the British Army, but an
        increasing proportion comes from countries which were or
        are conflict zones, such as Colombia or Serbia. 
        "Third country" personnel, willing to accept
        lower pay and, in many cases, higher risks, are often
        replacing pricier British or American private security
        operators as competition gets tougher. Reconstruction has
        all but halted in the welter of violence and there has
        been a wave of consolidation. Some British employees of
        Control Risks in Iraq threatened to strike last year when
        their pay was cut by up to 20 per cent, but soon found
        that no one else was hiring. Mr Spicer recently said that
        business in Iraq was like "a slowly deflating
        balloon". 
        Many critics believe that is a good thing. They accuse
        some security companies of being little more than
        mercenaries - private armies that can operate with
        virtual impunity in Iraq. A notorious video posted on the
        web last year appeared to show Aegis employees shooting
        up civilian cars, with Elvis Presley's "Mystery
        Train" on the soundtrack. "We know of hundreds
        of cases reported of random shooting at civilians in
        cars," John Hilary, director of campaigns and policy
        at War on Want, told MPs last month. 
        Anecdotes circulate, including one of a South African
        machine gunner at the back of an escort vehicle who fell
        asleep. He woke up with a start, found a car close behind
        and opened fire, killing the driver and the rest of his
        family. The security men stopped, but on finding all the
        occupants of the car were dead, they drove off. 
        Some security men are accused of failing even to
        protect their colleagues. According to another story,
        when one vehicle in a convoy was immobilised by an
        insurgent attack, the other escorts swerved around it,
        leaving the occupants to their fate. 
        Mr Hilary complained that the industry was
        "operating effectively outside the law". The
        Government has come under pressure to regulate private
        military and security companies, but despite conducting
        an extensive review of how they operate, it has so far
        failed to act. 
        In Iraq, private security companies are regulated by a
        memo drawn up by the Coalition Provisional Authority
        which is still legally binding. They include
        "binding rules on the use of force" and
        guidelines which say guns and mortars must only be fired
        using "aimed shots". 
        The rules allow employees to "use deadly
        force" in self-defence and in defending people they
        are hired to protect. They are also given the right to
        "stop, detain search, and disarm civilian
        persons" if the contract says they should. They must
        co-operate with coalition and Iraqi security forces but
        not join them in combat operations, unless it is to
        protect their clients. But the document adds:
        "Nothing in these rules limits your inherent right
        to take action necessary to defend yourself." 
        MPs argue that even these scant guidelines are
        unenforceable. "The controls over private military
        companies are rather thin. They are outside the norms of
        international law, yet together they are the second
        biggest force in Iraq behind the Americans," said
        Norman Baker, Liberal Democrat MP for Lewes. "The
        Government promised to regulate mercenaries in 2002, but
        clearly finds their presence in Iraq in an unregulated
        fashion rather convenient." 
        Indeed, with few business people venturing into Iraq,
        governments - including Britain's - are among the main
        clients of private security companies. Britain has
        awarded contracts worth £200m in Iraq, with most of the
        money spent by the Foreign Office on security personnel.
        Hilary Benn, the International Development Secretary,
        admitted in a parliamentary reply that "DFID engages
        private security companies to provide security of our
        staff in high threat environments". Mr Spicer told a
        conference: "The Government needs PSCs [private
        security companies] because we have the capability to act
        with speed and are comparatively cheap. We can also go
        places where a uniform would be unacceptable." 
        Concerned at the poor image created by the behaviour
        of some personnel, larger companies have formed the
        British Association of Private Security Companies
        (BAPSC). Its director, Andrew Bearpark, told a
        parliamentary committee his members were "part of
        the architecture of state building" in Iraq, adding:
        "I have no interest in defending abuses in Iraq or
        Afghanistan ... But I'm proud ... that police training
        has taken 50 times quicker than the British Government
        would have been able to do it." 
        Mr Hilary takes a less favourable view, arguing that
        "there is an increasing trend to privatise
        traditional activities of the military - intelligence
        gathering, interrogation, training of police and military
        forces, border patrols, protection for convoys,
        protection for individuals". He added: "They
        have become military roles; within Iraq itself these PSCs
        are seen as part of the occupying forces." 
        The War on Want campaigner said there were still large
        amounts of money to be made in Iraq. There will also be a
        constant stream of British former military and special
        forces personnel willing to risk the dangers there for
        tax-free salaries which can reach up to £1,000 a day in
        some cases, though there are far fewer such jobs
        available than those qualified to fill them. 
        But last week's kidnapping demonstrates that there are
        some fates for which no amount of money can compensate. 
        Further reading: 'Making a Killing: the explosive
        story of a hired gun in Iraq' by Captain James Ashcroft,
        £16.99 
        A MERCENARY'S TALE 
        By an anonymous British mercenary... 
        Tony James (not his real name) was part of an armed
        convoy escorting a client of an American engineering firm
        to Baghdad when his four-wheel drive was raked with
        gunfire from Iraqi insurgents. The former marine and
        Falklands veteran returned fire with his AK-47, standard
        issue for private security guards in Iraq. 
        James had had his nose shot off and a bullet fragment
        was stuck in his eye, threatening his sight. "It
        never was much of a nose," he said. "And now
        I'll get a new one." 
        James, then 44, had travelled to Iraq in 2004 to try
        his luck in the burgeoning private security guard market.
        He found a job with a small firm that had just won a
        lucrative contract to protect an American engineering
        firm. He was to be paid up to $12,000 a month. 
        Two months into his new life James had to collect an
        executive from Mosul. Three vehicles are needed for this
        kind of job, two 4x4s and an armoured car for the client. 
        Fortunately an American medical team passed shortly
        after the car was attacked. James was taken by ambulance
        to a nearby field hospital. It would be normal to airlift
        such a serious casualty to Germany but his company had no
        plans to deal with badly injured employees. The American
        surgeon operated, rebuilding his nose. 
        As James recuperated, his company finished its
        contract, but folded when further contracts fell down. He
        flew home at his mother's expense in 2005, owed $50,000. 
        Andrew Johnson 
        British security companies in Iraq 
        Aegis Defence Services (UK) 
        Founded: 2002 
        Key Contracts: a $293mreconstruction project. 
        Key Player: Tim Spicer operated in Sierra Leone in
        1997 
        ArmorGroup (UK) 
        Founded: 1981 
        Key Contracts: Foreign Office, International
        Development. 
        Key Players: Malcolm Rifkind is non-executive chairman 
        Blue Hackle 
        Founded: 2004 
        Key Contracts: low-key security work in Iraq. 
        Key Players: former head of security consulting at
        Kroll, one of the biggest US firms 
        BritAm Defence 
        Founded: 1997 
        Key Contracts: close security for private companies 
        Key Players: General Sir Malcolm Wilkes is the
        chairman 
        Centurion 
        Founded: 1995 
        Key Contracts: security for media crews 
        Key Players: staffed mainly by former Royal Marines 
        Control Risks Group (UK) 
        Founded: 1975 
        Key Contracts: US Office of Reconstruction. 
        Key Players: non-executive chairman is General Sir
        Michael Rose 
        Erinys International Ltd (UK) 
        Founded: 2001 
        Key Contracts: defends 282 oil pipelines. 
        Key Players: Major-General John Holmes is a director 
        Janusian 
        Founded: 1997 
        Key Contracts: claims to be only western security
        company with independent office and manager in Iraq 
        Key Players: founded by ex-SAS soldier Arish Turle 
        Olive 
        Founded: 2001 
        Key Contracts: protection for wealthy individuals,
        news teams, USAid's Iraq Reconstruction Program 
        Key Players: Lt Gen Sir Cedric Delves is a director 
        Pilgrims Group 
        Founded: 1998 
        Key Contracts: protection for media, oil and gas
        industries. 
        Key Players: employs 60 former SAS soldiers. 
        Global Strategies Group 
        Founded: 1998 
        Key Contracts: Baghdad International Airport. 
        Key Players: Founded by former marine Damien Perl and
        Scots Guard Charlie Andrews. Mainly Fijian staff  
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