THE HANDSTAND

june 2005


who will seek forgiveness?


if only......

Hebron.
by Ian
International Solidarity Movement Report:

After a period of fine weather, the city now has Biblical floods and power cuts. It's difficult to know what's going on down the road, let alone in the UK. Still, droplets of news dribble in. Apparently campaigning for next year's General Election is underway, and political debate is shifting to domestic issues. Law and order. Immigration. The National Health Service.

What a dream the NHS seems here. Despite the Labour Government's fetish for privatisation, it's still (so far) a free service for British citizens. Under pressure, like the rest of the welfare state, but it remains a cornerstone of our civilised society.

It has its critics. A running story in the national press for some time now has been the scandal of an NHS 'postcode lottery'. Why should someone in Hampshire, say, have better services and shorter waiting lists than someone in Lancashire? Where you live shouldn't affect your rights as a patient...

In post-Arafat Palestine too, an election looms, though the debate about domestic issues here now has a desperate urgency.

Law and order, for instance. The basic principle back home is to protect members of the public. What a miracle that would be for the Palestinian people, who have no say at all in how law and order is administered in the West Bank. The law is made in West Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, and enforced in Palestine by the occupying forces. On the ground, it is harsh, improvised and often lethal.

Unemployment? Someone told me the other day that unemployment in the militarised Hebron region is currently running at 78%. Impossibly high, but who knows? It's impossible to verify. The economy here is as smashed as the infrastructure. Surrounded and controlled by a state raking in billions of dollars a year in foreign aid, Palestine's poverty is in the third world league. Families scrape together whatever they can from any part-time, menial, temporary work they can get.

And immigration? This really is a mind-bender. There are plenty of people flooding into Palestine looking for a better life, but they're not returning Palestinians. Nor are these new settlers asylum-seekers fleeing persecution, or migrants making a positive economic contribution in their host country. They are here for the subsidised housing in rapidly expanding settlements. They are here to steal farming land. Many of the latest wave of settlers in and around Hebron are from America, the richest country on earth, and they are here to rob the poor.

As for the state of the health service in Palestine, you need only visit the Mohammad Ali Hospital to see how the 'postcode lottery' operates in Hebron. The hospital is in H2, the eastern section of town that includes the Old City and inner suburbs. It is a military zone, and under an Israeli administration.

Before the second Intifada, the 280-bed hospital dealt with 80% of admissions in Hebron district. Now it deals with just 28%. Fear keeps people away. It's not just the roadblocks patients must negotiate to get there, or the dangers of being detained by soldiers when you need urgent medical assistance. Simply being in an ambulance here is dangerous.

The Palestine Red Crescent Society isn't 'recognised' by those who control H2. 'Terrorists' may be using ambulances, so emergency vehicles can find themselves the targets of gunfire. Snipers are everywhere. Tanks are stationed at high strategic points around the city. Six ambulances have been destroyed in the last three years.

'You can be held up at a roadblock for two hours, even if you have called the DCO (the local Israeli administrative commander) to tell them you are sending an ambulance' says senior consultant Firas Amro. 'If it's an emergency - someone with a serious myocardial infection - in half an hour he will be dead. A woman in labour - she can't wait. We regularly have babies delivered at checkpoints.'

Getting patients to the hospital is difficult, but it's just as difficult to attract money. There is no National Health Service here. Theoretically, treatment is paid for. Sometimes the Palestinian Authority will cover costs if a patient is sent down from Ramallah or Nablus. Sometimes patients will pay the full amount, sometimes half. Often they can afford to pay nothing.

Infant and paediatric services here are in crisis. Hebron's population is over half a million. More than 50% are under 15 years old. Thirty new specialist paediatric spaces were created this year, bringing the district total to 100, provided by the PRCS and the district's two government hospitals. A similar catchment area in Israel would have about 500.

Mohammad Ali Hospital is now the main centre for neonatal care in the southern West Bank. If premature babies survive the trip, they have a chance. And life in Hebron is very much a game of chance, the odds stacked according to your nationality.

The other day I saw three teenage settler girls strolling home along a Jewish-only road, barred to Palestinian traffic. They felt secure enough. They were being followed by an Israeli Defence Force jeep, meekly travelling at the pace they set. Now I am being told of a Palestinian boy, 17 years old, out with his friends when he was taken by Israeli soldiers. He was later admitted to hospital. Dead on arrival. He had been thrown from a moving jeep.

The death of a Palestinian may glimmer briefly in the day's news. But beyond the grim, growing list of fatalities lies a vast number of less newsworthy victims - the maimed, the physically and mentally disabled.

This largely unseen problem, amplified to grotesque proportions by a brutal Occupation, is a huge project for the PRCS. Not only are they struggling to reach and deal with damaged children - particularly in rural areas - they are also battling traditional community attitudes to disability. Until recently physical handicap and mental illness meant shame for the family. The disabled were looked after by their nuclear family. And kept out of sight.

Now the PRCS is running social programs, bringing mobile care units to remote villages, offering respite care and rehabilitation services, raising awareness. A series of educational films on the causes of and treatment for disability (i.e a biological explanation rather than the infuriating default one of Fate, or God's Bloody Will) is now airing on local TV stations. Almost anywhere else in the world, this public service would be paid for by the government in charge. The TV audience isn't Israeli, though, so an international charity is funding the campaign.

Al-Raja Centre, just outside Hebron City, is a PRCS day care unit for 80 children, aged 6 upwards. There's a range of activities - physical and psychological therapy, special needs teaching, even greenhouses and a chicken farm. Farming teaches, but it also feeds. And, importantly, produce earns money for the centre.

There's some wonderful, progressive work going on here. As part of its awareness campaign, the PRCS has recently called for 5% of employees to be disabled, a target it already exceeds at Al-Raja. The ethos is integration - a regular kindergarten brings day care kids and local children together, and craft workshops teach embroidery and bamboo furniture-making.

This isn't just occupational therapy. Older teenagers can move from Al-Raja into Hebron's local craft industries. It is, staff say, one of the most satisfying outcomes of their work. Rebuilding bodies and minds - whether damaged at birth or splintered by the random violence of the Occupation - is a slow process. To see hope and self-esteem inch back over the years is gratifying. But to watch kids move from shameful sequestration at home to enlightened day care to a proper job is cause for jubilation.

The centre building is spartan. Built in 1981, it feels like a cheap 1960s comprehensive school. The rusting hulk of a clapped-out Red Crescent ambulance has been hoisted onto a roof as an improvised logo. For director Tayzir Maraqa, as with every senior health official, the job seems to be half admin, half fundraising. The centre plans to build another storey soon, increasing capacity to 140 (thanks, Spain) and at least the stone classroom floors are a bit warmer now - another overseas donor has provided carpets.

A long-term plan is to establish a bottle-making factory - Hebron glass is celebrated throughout the West Bank, even grudgingly in Israel - to generate more income and provide more jobs for Al-Raja children. But first they must find a donor. And then get the money. And then face another hurdle. 'The problem is transferring the money' says Maraqa. 'The UN, whoever...you're promised the money, they they (the Israelis) say this money is not to aid development, it is to build a bomb...'

PRCS staff are loyal, and patient. According to Firas Amro, 'you maybe get a salary cheque every two or three months...' Medicines and equipment are much harder to get since 9/11. 'We used to receive funding from the UAE, Saudi Arabia. Now Bush says no money can be transferred, we are financially threatened. It is very hard.'

He too spends a lot of his time writing letters and emails to charities asking for help - 'begging for aspirin, even. Much of the stuff we get from overseas is past its expiry date or surplus to requirements. I just wish most of the people I write to would even respond. Usually, there is no reply.'

When medicines do arrive, they can be held up for weeks at the airport, for security reasons or just out of bureaucratic spite, so that by the time they get to the hospital they are useless. Sometimes soldiers interfere: 'We had a vaccination programme for 2-5 year olds recently. Soldiers stopped the ambulance trransporting the vaccine, which cannot be exposed to light, insisted we unload all the boxes and then opened them. They wouldn't listen. The vaccine was ruined.'

At the PRCS ambulance and emergency unit in Hebron, there are two buildings. One is a low, beaten-up old block at the end of an unmade, potholed road. It functions both as a general treatment and dispensing centre and as the area's main ambulance despatch station.

The other is an unfinished 7-storey building, Hebron's new A&E hospital. The shell has been constructed 'by the will of Allah and the help of some local and international NGOs...' Like almost every other building in Hebron, it sprouts metal rods from the top. There's no cladding, no glazing. They'll have to find the money to complete it, then find the money to fit it out, then find the money for equipment...

For now, the nerve centre for Hebron's emergency services is a cramped control room with what would be, at home, a sylishly retro swichboard with proper old-school telephone handsets. On the admissions sheet there's a log entry for the 19 year-old admitted yesterday with serious wounds. He'd been demonstrating against the Apartheid Wall at Beit Ula and caught live fire. In through his shoulder, out through his back, taking his spleen and a kidney on the way. When we visited the site of the demo - a beautiful mountain valley dotted with ancient Canaanite caves and Roman ruins, just about the worst place in the world to erect a giant concrete barrier - people there were convinced an explosive bullet had been used, illegal under international law. Like almost everything else that happens to Palestinians. The young man will live but he'll be permanently disabled.

Perhaps he'll need a wheelchair. Today, the PRCS are celebrating the news that 100 chairs (another gift from far beyond the borders of the 'only democracy in the Middle East') are to be delivered this week. I hope they're in better shape than the one I saw being unloaded from a PRCS ambulance amid the rubble of a devastated street.

An elderly woman was being decanted. It was the closest the paramedics could get to her home, wherever that is, as the road had been blocked by several lumps of concete, each a cubic meter. They create a 'no go' zone around Worshippers' Way, a settler road.

This is how you end your days in Hebron, assuming you die of natural causes. Bumping through rubble onto a steep hill where your ambulance isn't allowed. The PRCS has some burly volunteers for this. Many of Hebron's roads are surreally steep. Some feel like they're only a couple of degrees from being walls. There she was, the old lady, being trundled home along the same road where occupying forces escort their teenage children with jeeps following behind at walking pace.

And this is how you start your days in Hebron if you've arrived too early - at the Mohammad Ali Hospital, in the heart of H2. Your ticket in the postcode lottery. Born into a society abandoned by the world to the arbitrary will of an oppressive military power.

This is a place brutalised, traumatised by violence and death, where divorce rates are soaring, where job prospects are close to zero, where children play war games. Where, in postcode H1 outside the military zone, hospital doctors arive at work to find 250 patients waiting. Some have queued since 4a.m.

If the Occupation ended now, it would take years, generations, for the wounds to heal. 'Our children face extreme violence every day' says Firas Amro. 'The psychological effect of this is unimaginable. You can cry, and you can stop crying. Something happens to people when they become used to families falling apart, when they can no longer depend on shelter, food, water, their brothers and sisters, when they know hate, when they believe they are going to die. Death has many faces here. One of them is Israeli.'

What could possibly upset a doctor on the Hebron front line, when this shit is going on round the clock, week after week, year after year? The medical director of Mohammad Ali, Said Natsheh, has seen more misery than most. Yet the incident he recalls now with a distracted look happened a decade ago. 1994, the year of the Oslo Agreement, was also the year of the Goldstein Massacre in Hebron. A Jewish settler (from what the AA guide Explorer Israel calls the 'tough-minded' settlement of Kiryat Aba) entered the Ibrahimi Mosque and opened fire on worshippers, killing 29 and wounding many more.

Ensuing violence in the town saw Mohammad Ali hHospital occupied continuously for three days by heavily-armed troops. And from his overflowing memory of the suffering this caused to patients and staff, and from all the death and pain he has witnessed since, this doctor is momentarly baffled and disturbed by one small memory.

A little girl, four or five years old with meningitis, siting in a chair. He remembers the soldier, searching for something to stand on to get a better view from a high window. He just grabbed the chair, spilling the child to the floor. As though she didn't exist. Rage at this split second of callousness has burned inside him for 10 years.

And then we go upstairs to the premature baby unit. It's difficult to write this. Not because I see anything horrible. Here, afer all, is hope. The babies here made it. Many don't. There are four babies in incubators, born in Hebron and born too early - between 28 and 30 weeks.

Of these four, one has permanent brain damage (oxygen starvation) but will live. Another has meningitis and severe heart and lung problems and will die. The chances are good for the other two, and I'm looking at one of them now. He's as big as a skinned rabbit, tubed up and wired in. The monitor is calm and steady. He has a lung infection but he will survive - another miracle.

He should be dead. His mother went into early, sudden labour. There were complications. This little boy without a first name on his medical sheet was born in a village house an hour away from the hospital. The family is poor - it can't afford to pay for medical treatment, can't afford transport.

A twist of fate - a nurse from Muhammad Ali is a neighbour. She brought the child in and has agreed to pay at least something towards his care in the premature unit.

And I am thinking about the 10 minutes or so before the nurse arrived to take control. This child had been abandoned at birth. Not dumped somewhere, or murdered, but born, loved and watched in despair. What must it do to your mind, to look at your newborn child and know that you are powerless, that you can only lie there with him while he dies?

I can't get it out of my mind. I have seen both my children born, watched them grow and thrive. And I am standing here, trying not to fucking cry, trying to think myself into the head of a parent looking at this tiny thing and feeling only anguish. I may cry later, but for now I am burning with rage.

www.ism-london.org.uk


The Games We Play
Maia Carter Hallward
Saturday, April 2, 2005

After a week of hot summer weather, the winter returned, the rain came, and fog obscured the “sights”—the wall encircling Bethlehem and the ever-expanding Gush Etzion settlement block—on our drive from Jerusalem to Hebron. Since the majority of our group was comprised of Israeli Jews, we were not allowed to drive into Hebron via Halhoul. Although this is currently the main route into the city (the actual main road has been blocked for years), we had to instead go through Kiryat Arba, the first Jewish settlement established in the Palestinian Territories after the 1967 war. As it was Shabbat, the settlement was quiet, and between Shabbat and the rain, no one was on the street except for us, which drew the attention of the settler security, who drove up in his white armored jeep. We asked if it was possible to drive to the Ibrahimi Mosque/Cave of Machpela from there, as the rain was strong and cold. “Yes, you can,” he said, “if you are all Jews and do not have an Arab driver.” Instantly I was converted.

Driving from the settlement full of modern villas and 1970s era apartment buildings that look exactly like those in the French Hill neighborhood of Jerusalem, we wiggled through a Palestinian neighborhood, passing the newly-paved “Worshippers’ Way” that cuts 200 meters off of the Shabbat walk for the settlers going to pray. It also necessitated the demolition of a number of ancient Palestinian homes, some of them 800 years old or more, as the route cuts right through the oldest part of Hebron. Upon arrival in the area of the Tomb of Abraham, we met with Dianne and Donna of Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT) and Zlika, a Palestinian Muslim who runs a community center for women and children in the neighborhood adjacent to the mosque entrance. She cautioned us not to speak Hebrew, and to pretend we were all tourists from outside the country, as there are parts of the city where Jews are not supposed to go. It was my comrades’ turn to be converted.

I have been to Hebron many times; this is my fourth visit in six months. Regardless, every time I see something new; the situation is always changing. As Yehudit, one of the women along for the tour noted, the situation is the same as when she was here decades ago, except it is even worse than before. As we were given some initial orientation by our guides, dozens of settlers passed by, going to and from Shabbat prayers at the synagogue that comprises half of the large stone structure in front of us. Girls in long skirts, women with baby carriages, and dozens of young men in their teens carrying rifles around their shoulders passed along, unstopped, along Shuhada Street. While some of them had them casually resting on their hips, others walked with their hands on the gun, as if cocked and ready to shoot at a moment’s notice. Many of this youth are not old enough to drive, yet carry automatic weapons on their way to pray. With the exception of Zlika, no Palestinian could be seen on the street, and all the shops were shuttered shut, covered with graffiti proclaiming “Death to Arabs” and “Jews do not expel other Jews” (referring to the Gaza disengagement plan of Ariel Sharon). A checkpoint by Shuhada Street and another checkpoint at the entrance to the mosque from the Old City keep most Palestinians at bay. Palestinian families living in the area recount stories of beatings, strip searches, and other humiliating treatment at the hands of the soldiers manning the checkpoints. In addition to the physical harassment, those who defend themselves are often charged with “trying to kill a soldier” and are given heavy fines as well.

Zlika showed us the view from the roof of her house and pointed out the rooftop route to school that children had to take during the 3 years when Hebron was under curfew most of the time. Leaving her house, we noticed the iron gate, welded shut, leading to the Old City and the shopping district. The army placed it there to “protect” the Palestinians from the settlers who would come through to vandalize Palestinian property. As a result, Zlika’s family (and others living in that area) must go through the checkpoint into the Old City and take a much longer route to the market. In addition, the checkpoint closes in the evening, forcing them to come back home over the rooftops if they are out past 8:00 pm.

The checkpoint between the Cave of Machpela/Ibrahimi Mosque and the Old City is relatively new. As of January, when I last visited Hebron, the pillbox and turnstiles were not in their present location. Indeed, there were no turnstiles at all. Now, one must go through turnstiles entering and leaving the Old City, and they are not manually-turned gates, but rather electronic ones controlled by the young soldier sitting in the pill box. When it came my turn to go through, he stopped the machine, catching me inside with bars blocking my exit and my route of entry. I could do nothing but wait until he decided to let me pass. As he was in a glassed-enclosed pillbox some 20 meters behind me, there was no one with whom I could speak regarding this entrapment. Later, as we were leaving the Old City at the end of our tour, we watched as the soldier trapped every single Palestinian coming through the turnstiles. One young boy of no more than 7 years old he kept for a good 5 minutes, despite the fact that 15 non-Palestinians were witnesses to this act. What do they do when no one is looking?

We visited another neighborhood of the old city, one that abuts the Avraham Avinu settlement, which is located in the midst of what used to be the bustling central vegetable market. The entrance to the neighborhood is sealed off, a door placed in the entrance to the area again to “protect” the Palestinians from the settler rampages. Consequently, the family owning the house between the neighborhood and the next street over opened the first floor of the house for through traffic, so that area residents can gain access to the rest of the city. From there we walked through the house of Zlika’s brother, exiting the other side and walking down a staircase taking us Shuhada Street once again.

Walking up Shuhada Street toward Beit Hadassa settlement, we were not sure how far we would be allowed to go. The market, which was supposed to be re-opened according to the 1997 Hebron Accord, remains in the hands of the settlers, and a large colorful banner left over from a Purim party hung from the roof. The main entrance to the rest of Hebron was closed off by cement barriers, barbed wire, and piles of rubbish, and only Shuhada street, re-paved and renovated with USAID money in the late 1990s for the purpose of bolstering Palestinian business in the area, was open for foot traffic. Zlika came with us, expecting to be stopped, but she was allowed to pass with us, the first time she has been allowed in years. She carried her camera, snapping photos like a tourist on a street less than half a mile from her house.

What used to be a thriving shopping district has now been closed off for years. Palestinians are not allowed on the street at all, and all entrances to the street are closed off entirely or monitored by IDF checkpoints. Hebrew graffiti on the storefronts reads “Death to Arabs,” “Sharon, Rabin is waiting for you” and “Kahane was right.” An American dressed in an IDF uniform guarded a soldier’s coffee corner named after a settler’s son who was killed near Nablus, and one of our group was asked not to take pictures. Behind us we saw the Palestinian school for the area, on the hill between the Tel Rumeida and the Beit Hadassa settlements. The children are kept from reaching the school by the normal staircase, as it is filled with coils of barbed wire, and so must walk past the school, deeper into the settlement, and then climb by a treacherous half-crumbled staircase farther down the street. The feisty headmistress has kept the school open despite intimidation, often meeting the children on the road to escort them to class herself.

We continued along the street and passed through the checkpoint separating H-1 from H-2, going from the Israeli-controlled part of the city to the Palestinian-controlled area. The difference was remarkable. Immediately we found shops open, people moving, the noise and traffic of a living city. Whereas the old city and its environs are basically ‘dead,’ the newer part of the city, where people are allowed to breathe and not constantly stopped and harassed by checkpoints, still bustles. While the city is living, I hesitate to say it is “alive,” as the employment opportunities for its residents are limited, and while the Palestinians are not confined to as tight a prison as those living in the Israeli-controlled portion of the city, theirs is the larger cage defined by the boundaries of the city, the Jewish settlements, and the Israeli-only roads. Without a map demarcating areas H-1and H-2, one can detect the boundary by the closed shops, the empty streets, Hebrew graffiti and the tell-tale signs of large cement blocks and smoke residue from gun fire and Molotov cocktails.

After completing our tour we walked back through the Beit Romano checkpoint, the Tomb of Abraham checkpoint, and then once in our cars had our IDs checked three more times before we reached Jerusalem: driving toward Kiryat Arba, at the gate of Kiryat Arba, and at the checkpoint by Beit Jala. Of course, as we carried Israeli and foreign IDs, we were able to pass relatively smoothly, and we were not stopped by the additional ‘flying’ checkpoints we witnessed in Jerusalem and on the way to and from Hebron. Despite the current “ceasefire,” travel restrictions have not eased for most Palestinians, and even cities like Tulkarem, which have supposedly been ‘turned over’ to the Palestinians, remain hemmed in by checkpoints, whether permanent or ‘flying.’ On the ground, the Palestinians do not see improvements, and if anything, see the situation worsening. We could see new construction underway in Ephrata, in Harsina and in Kiryat Arba settlements, and while Palestinians are supposed to be disarming militants, automatic weaponry is openly possessed by very young, very radical settlers in the midst of West Bank cities, even as they go to pray. “Have pity on us” the settler signs proclaim all the way from Hebron back to Jerusalem, referring to the disengagement plan. I do have pity on them, but not for the still-theoretical evacuation from Gaza. I pity them for failing to recognize and appreciate the beauty and generosity of their Palestinian neighbors, for lacking the far-sightedness to see that this land is big enough to be shared by two peoples, and for closing their hearts and minds to the possibility of equality, diversity, and a just peace.
from tal haran