I once met the journalist
Nihad Al Ghadri, a one-time dissident and current
ally of the Syrian
Baath party. His son, Fareed, is the founder and
president of the Party of Syrian Reform, a
US-based and funded Syrian opposition group. Fareed Al Ghadri
is being groomed by some wishful hawks in the
White House as the leader of the Syrian
opposition in the United States.
Despite
his connections in Washington, he is a political
nobody in Syria, unheard of and rejected by
Syrians because he wants normalisation of ties
with Israel, is funded by the Americans, and
advocates US military intervention in Syria.
Father
and son had fallen out with one another over
politics and when mentioning Fareed, Nihad said
that his son was being used by the United States.
Ghadri
Senior added that his son was so distant from
Syrian affairs "that he thinks Aleppo is
located in Sudan!"
We
talked about what is more amusing, being an actor
on the political stage of Syria or being a member
of the audience, as he had been since the 1940s.
Ghadri
said that the audience seat is more amusing,
since it endures longer, whereas the actor is
often replaced and forgotten.
Heroes
rise and heroes fall, and they are forgotten in
the world we live in, not only in Syria, but
throughout the Arab world.
Why
then, would someone like Fareed strive to become
a figure in Syria a country he left when he was a
teenager and can barely remember?
Iron
fist
The same
applies to Rifaat Al Assad, who declared in May
2005 that he will return to Syria to restore
"freedom and democracy". This is the
same man who ruled Syria with an iron fist
between 1970-1982.
Isn't it
more advisable for someone like Rifaat, who has
been in retirement for so long and who, apart
from his entourage, is not popular in Syria, to
remain a member of the audience?
Recently,
ex-Syrian President Ameen Al Hafez returned to
Syria after nearly four decades in exile in
Saddam Hussain's Iraq, and found no one waiting
to greet him on the Syrian-Iraqi border.
The
crowds that cheered for him when he was president
between 1963-1966 were not there. In fact, only
then did he realise that they never really
existed.
Hafez
was an unpopular leader, imposed on Syrians,
rather than elected by them. When he was toppled
and arrested in 1966, not one person spoke out in
his defence.
When he
was exiled in 1967, not one person saw him off at
the airport. And now, he returned after 36 years
in exile, and nobody was there to welcome him.
In
December 2003, Saddam also showed up after eight
months in hiding looking like a miserable,
helpless and homeless tramp. Another leader,
cursed by the lust for power, hated and feared by
his own people, had fallen.
This is
a curse we face in the Middle East, and falls
upon many of our leaders and must be remembered
by someone with Fareed's or Rifaat's ambitions.
Arabs in
general do not like imposed leaders but they have
been forced to live with them for the better part
of the 20th century.
Fareed
might not come to power through a traditional
coup d'etat like the generalissimos of the 1960s,
but he would come escorted by the United States.
To the masses who still believe in Arab
nationalism, he would be no different from
Saddam.
As
pictures of Saddam in his underwear, doing his
own washing, made world headlines, I could not
help wonder what was going through this man's
evil and distorted mind.
Was he
sorry he had become an actor and not stayed with
the audience? Was he feeling guilty for all the
bloodshed he had caused?
Was he
regretful he had not accepted the American
warning in early 2003 and flown into exile,
either in Russia, France or Egypt? By doing so,
he would have avoided this fate for himself and
his family, and prevented the war against Iraq.
Was he
preparing himself for a lifetime in prison or
execution or was he fantasising about how to
escape and seize power from the Americans?
Ludicrous as it is, the last option is probably
what is going through his sick mind, since he
remains, from his remarks in court, obsessed with
power.
I feel
for the institution of the presidency in Iraq,
that Saddam ruined while in power, and continues
to tarnish today in captivity. Saddam came to
power in 1979 and ruled until 2003, making his
own name and image synonymous with Iraq.
In his
own mind, and in the mind of millions of Arabs,
here was Iraq today, occupied, in jail, in
hiding, living the life of an outlaw, then
arrested, clamped in chains, pictured in
humiliation, and standing trial. Iraq is not
Saddam Hussain.
Iraq
cannot, and will not, be summarised by the image
of one evil man.
The era
of Saddam is gone, and the Middle East will never
be the same without him. It might not become
better, but it certainly will not become worse.
After so much horror under his regime, the Iraqis
have no place left to go but up.
Let us
hope, however, that the Arabs learn a lesson from
Iraq 1979-2003, to never let a brute a man who
fears human progress, control them.
At the
end of the day, dictators die, or fall with a
thunder like Saddam. And so long as men die, the
Middle East will live the life its people
deserve.
In
wrapping up this article, I could not help but
remember a classical speech by Charlie Chaplin,
from his film The Great Dictator.
Role
model
Chaplin
was the kind of man we need today in the Arab
world innovative, unafraid to say courageous
things through art, be persecuted for them, and
to let the human mind defend or discard his
views.
He made
The Great Dictator in the middle of the Second
World War, when Hitler was at his peak.
Chaplin's
words should echo in the minds of Arabs like
Fareed and Rifaat who want to shift places from
that of the audience to that of the actor. Or men
like Saddam, who have played the actor for too
long, and are now, seated among the audience.
In the
film, a barber who is a Hitler look-alike finds
himself dressed in Hitler's uniform and given a
golden opportunity to address the people of the
world right before a military invasion. Instead
of talking military might, he gives a wonderful
speech on democracy.
"Soldiers,
don't give yourself to brutes, men who despise
you and enslave you, who regiment your lives,
tell you what to do, what to think, and what to
feel, who drill you, diet you, treat you as
cattle, as cannon fire.
"Don't
give yourself to these unnatural men, machine
men, with machine minds and machine hearts. You
are not machines, you are not cattle you are men!
You have the love of humanity in your hearts.
Soldiers don't fight for slavery, fight for
liberty!"
These
words, clear and strong, reached the ears of
Hitler in 1941 and should reach the ears of the
Arab masses, who deserve democracy, which
dictators like Saddam have long deprived them of.
Dr
Sami Moubayed is a Syrian political analyst
|