THE HANDSTAND |
LATE AUTUMN2008
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irish complicity in war
crimes YUgoslavia
Movement
KOSOVSKI ZAVETNICI
M ROSS'S letter ('Poisonous feuds led to bloodshed',
Letters, July 29)
was a whiff of fresh air amid the bland xerox chorus that
journalism
has become. An equally generous dose of fresh air, from
John
Laughland, can be found at www.brusselsjournal.com.
Surprisingly to many people, Ireland has connections with
the late
Yugoslavia. I refer readers to Church of Ireland
gentleman scholar and
writer Hubert Butler (and his book 'Escape from the
Anthill'), who
taught in Croatia in 1938 and returned there to document
the massacre
of a million humans, mostly Orthodox Serbs, then Jews and
Gypsies, by
fascist Catholic Croatia. The biggest death camp in
Europe, after
Auschwitz, was in the Nazi puppet "Independent State
of Croatia",
close to Zagreb.
All this was known to the Vatican. The forced conversion
of a quarter
of a million Orthodox Christians by the Catholic statelet
of Croatia
was never rescinded by the Holy See, although all
communists were
excommunicated.
In the garb of a Catholic priest, the Himmler of Croatia,
Andrija
Artukovic ("Father Anic"), arrived in Ireland
after WWII. His escape
via Austria and Switzerland and concealment in Ireland
was arranged by
the Order of Friars Minor, with the collusion of the
Irish hierarchy.
It's doubtful if the government knew who or what "Father
Anic" was. He
subsequently found refuge in California and was returned
to communist
Yugoslavia in 1986, where he was tried for crimes he did
not commit
and not tried for crimes he did commit.
The troubles there are not the fruit of Serb nationalism.
"Greater
Serbia" was the WMD war cry of Austro-Hungary up to
1914 and from 1991
of the West and the so-called international community.
Ireland has not only permitted CIA "rendition
flights", but in 1999
lent her airports to the Pentagon in violation of Ireland's
constitutionally mandated neutrality for logistic support
against the
Christian Serbs and in support of creating new German
puppet states
(Croatia and Slovenia), as well as Islamic states in
Bosnia and
Kosovo.
Targets in the 78-day Blitzkrieg of 1999 included empty
government
buildings across the street from the US Embassy in
Belgrade, Danube
bridges, markets, civilian trains, Serb TV, the Chinese
embassy,
schools and hospitals.
Serb mothers delivered babies under NATO/US bombing, with
doctors
working by the light of torches.
Over a quarter of a million Serbs were expelled from
lands which had
been theirs since the time of the Battle of the Boyne.
Not "Connacht
or hell", but Serbia or hell.
Milosevic, by the way, barred the refugees from entering
Serbia while
he held a May Day parade in Belgrade in 1995. Some
nationalist. The
refugees were for the most part put up in Serb Bosnia.
Last, but not least, the goal of the US/NATO humanitarian
bombing --
RAF and Luftwaffe flying wingtip to wingtip --was the
creation, at the
sacrifice of Christians, of Islamic states in the heart
of Europe.
That's why we got cheap oil.
JP Maher PH D
Professor Emeritus,
Citizen of Ireland and USA,
Veteran US Army Counter-Intelligence Corps,
Yugoslav Desk 430th MI BN,
Serb-Croat Linguist,
Northern Italy 1959-61
Chicago IL 60630
USA
european company
Heineken arrange removal of Barkan Wines from West Bank
Settlements
Press
Release 31.8.2008
Gush Shalom congratulates the Barkan
Wineries for moving away from the West Bank Barkan
settlement
The
Gush Shalom Movement congratulates the Barkan Wineries
for moving away from the industrial zone of Barkan
settlement in the northern West Bank, to Kibbutz
Hulda within the internationally-recognized territory of Israel.
This is an important act, removing one of the major
economic mainstays of the settlements. We hope and
expect that additional companies will follow the Barkan
Wineries out of the Occupied Territories".
The
Barkan Wineries had figured prominently on the Gush
Shalom Settlement Boycott List since this list was first
published some ten years ago. Gush Shalom activists had
distributed leaflets, calling upon the public not to
purchase the Barkan wines, at the entrances to
supermarkets as well as at public gatherings such as the
annual memorials to Yitchak Rabin held in Tel Aviv every
November.
About
four years ago the Barkan Wineries started a process of
moving their operations over to Kibbutz Hulda, a process
monitored by Gush Shalom. The soft drinks company
"Tempo" which holds ownership of the Barkan
Wineries entered into a close partnership with the large
Dutch beer company "Heineken" , became part of
the worldwide Heineken Group and created a new company
called "Tempo Drinks" of which the Dutch
Heineken holds 40% ownership.
As
is well-known, the Dutch government is firmly opposed to
Israeli settlement in the Occupied Territories and
therefore was far from happy about a close partnership
between a Dutch company and one based at a settlement.
Moreover, continued links with a settlement company might
have exposed the Heineken Company to considerable
criticism in the Dutch public opinion and to a boycott
campaign, in the Netherlands themselves as well as in
other countries.
The
Gush Shalom monitoring indicated that the Barkan Wineries
were systematically reducing their activity at the Barkan
settlement moving the wine production to Kibbutz
Hulda, within The Green Line (Israel's pre-'67 border)
and leaving only warehouses at Barkan. By the end of 2007,
the warehouses were moved away, too, and the winery's
lease on the Barkan premises terminated.
The
company directors' report to their stockholders stated:
"In the past, the location of the company's winery
at the Barkan area caused a negative image and made
difficult the exporting of the Barkan brands. The company
is acting to change this image, especially in light of
moving production activity to Kibutz Hulda. (
) Due
to severe limitation caused by the size of the Barkan
location, as well as due to problems connected with
operating a winery beyond the Green Line, the company
decided to remove the winery from the Barkan Industrial
Zone and relocate it to the Hulda site".
Nevertheless,
while the Barkan Wineries have completely cut off any
association with West Bank settlement ativity, the
company - which owns many vineyards in various locations
- still owns a vineyard at Avney Ethan on the
occupied Golan Heights. Therefore, the Gush Shalom
Boycott Committee decided, for the time being, to retain
the company on its boycott list. "Since this is one
vineyard out of many owned by this company, and since its
general trend of dissociation from settlement
activity is very clear, we hope that this last connection
would be presently severed. We could then wholeheartedly
remove the company from our boycott list.
We
have no problem with their retaining 'Barkan' as a brand
name, as long as they have completely disconnected
themselves from the Occupied Territories themselves
which has not yet taken place completely"
says the Gush Shalom Movement.
Contact:
Adam Keller 03-5565804 or 0506-709603
Gush
Shalom settlement products boycott list
http://zope.gush-shalom.org/home/en/campaigns/boycott_settlements_products/boycott_eng.rtf
Mary Dejevsky: The destructive prejudices of Europe's
new members
Tuesday, 2 September 2008 The
Independent
Whatever you think about the conflict in Georgia
and opinions about the rights and wrongs of it
could hardly be more polarised there is one aspect
on which there could surely be wide agreement. This fast
and furious little war, with far wider implications, was
an ideal opportunity for the European Union to show its
diplomatic mettle. Countries the world over have been
crying out for the EU to take a more activist role as
mediator, where better to start than with South Ossetia
potentially highly dangerous, but potentially
soluble, too?
In fact, the EU's first moves were positive, as
international responses go. The French presidency of the
EU placed the onus on Nicolas Sarkozy and his foreign
minister, Bernard Kouchner, to react in the name of
Europe. Exhibitionist and interventionist politicians
both, they made an admirably prompt start, exchanging
their sacrosanct August holidays for a few rounds of
shuttle diplomacy. Within days there was a six-point
agreement, validated by the signatures of both sides. It
was a promising start: a single message, activist
diplomacy, and a realistic awareness of what was possible
on the ground.
At which point everything fell apart, and a head of
steam built up once again behind the rhetoric
except that this time it was not just Russia and Georgia
doing the shouting, but their respective cheerleaders,
which meant pretty much everyone against the Russians.
And the EU voice of reason, as exemplified by the
mediators, M. Sarkozy and M. Kouchner, was progressively
drowned out by a different and more diffuse argument: not
the small question of how to solve the problem of South
Ossetia, but the big question of what to do about Russia.
The reason the focus shifted was that the east and
central Europeans who became full members of the
EU in 2004 could see the war in Georgia only
through the prism of their bitter experience. For them,
it was just another example of Soviet-style Russian
bullying and a red flag they could wave at "old"
Europe to illustrate the justice of their fears.
Now I yield to no one in my delight at the fall of the
Berlin Wall, the liberation of east and central Europe
and the death of Soviet communism. These "new"
European countries are fully-fledged nation states with a
reclaimed sense of their own identity. Visit any one of
them, and I defy you not to sense, and share, their sheer
joy at being able to be themselves. Given history and
geography, their preoccupation with the perceived threat
from the east can also be understood. In seeking not only
EU but also Nato membership, they were defending their
vital interests as they saw them. Their single-mindedness
paid off.
The trouble is that while the "old"
Europeans left past enmities at the door when they joined
the EU that was the whole point of joining
too many of the "new" Europeans saw the EU,
like Nato, as a means of pursuing old quarrels from a new
position of strength. Recent recriminations in "new"
Europe about who did what under communism demonstrate how
much is still not resolved. For these countries, the
prospect of a new Cold War is ever-present quite simply
because, for them, the old Cold War is not yet at an end.
In 2000, Jacques Chirac's fears about EU enlargement
drew reproaches of condescension and worse. The official
US and British view was preferred; that these countries
would form a "bridge" to Russia. Over time,
though, M. Chirac looks more right than wrong. Popular
European opposition to the Iraq war was less effective
than it could have been because of divisions between
"old" and "new" Europe that were well
exploited by the US. As Iraq faded as an issue, EU
efforts to reach a realistic and mutually beneficial
relationship with Russia were repeatedly thwarted by a
chorus of "new" Europeans warning of the worst.
US bank crisis smashes hole in
European markets
Canary Wharf in London, where humbled
Lehman Brothers staff packed up on Monday (Photo:
wikipedia)
PHILIPPA RUNNER
Today @ 09:28 CET
EUOBSERVER / BRUSSELS - The US banking crisis wiped
billions off the value of European stock markets on
Monday (15 September), with the European Central Bank and
EU institutions trying to calm nerves as traders fear
more bad news.
Among Europe's largest trading floors, the FTSE
exchange in London and Euronext 100 in Paris lost around
81 billion each in value while the DAX trading
floor in Frankfurt lost 27 billion.
Shares in Spain, Italy, the Netherlands, Austria,
Greece, Poland, Romania, the Czech republic, Slovenia and
Lithuania also fell by 3.5 percent or more, with only
Sweden, Finland and Estonia emerging relatively unscathed.
Individual European companies took severe hits with
the British HBOS banking group losing half its value,
Barclays bank losing 10 percent and Sweden's SEB bank
losing over 8 percent.
The reaction came in response to news that two of the
biggest US investment banks, Lehman Brothers and Merril
Lynch, are to vanish following huge losses in the current
financial downturn.Lehman Brothers confirmed it was
filing for bankruptcy at 06.31 Brussels time on Monday
morning. The Bank of America said it would buy the ailing
Merril Lynch just six minutes later. Within a few hours
of the announcements, the 4,000 or so Lehman Brothers
staff at the company's building in London's Canary Wharf
began carrying out their personal possessions in
cardboard boxes.
The European Central Bank (ECB) tried to reassure
investors by lending 30 billion at a fixed rate,
while the Bank of England lent £5 billion (6
billion).European banks had asked for 90 billion in
loans, however, with the ECB indicating more funds may be
mobilised soon. "[The ECB] is ready to contribute to
orderly conditions in the euro money market" its
statement said. A European Commission spokesman said
Brussels remains "confident of good co-ordination,
as well as a solution, among central banks, regulators
and the private sector."The situation saw finance
ministers in France and Denmark reach out to ordinary
bank customers, with Copenhagen saying it would guarantee
personal savings of up to 50,000 in the event of a
bank's collapse.
"All the monetary, banking and treasury
authorities have been consulting for several days [as the
US crisis unfolded]," French finance minister
Christine Lagarde said on Europe 1 radio. "We
worked again last night and the mechanisms are in place,
the central banks are on alert, there is no panic."
Over the weekend, EU finance ministers meeting in
France worked out a modest plan to help stave off a US-type
scenario in Europe by agreeing to harmonise the way banks
report their financial results by 2012.
But EU states were divided on how to tackle
international banking supervision, with Finland, Spain
and the Benelux countries keen for banks' host countries
to play a greater role but with the UK, Germany and
France opposed, Finnish daily Helsingin Sanomat reports."Things
are going to get worse before they get better," Marc
Ostwald, a strategist at UK-based broker Monument
Securities told The Daily Telegraph, echoing widespread
sentiment in the private sector.
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